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The Indian concept of racism cannot be understood without understanding caste and caste that includes the Manu Smriti, a sacred handbook for Brahmins. Racism is known as apartheid or xenophobia in western societies. This form of racism is based on one’s class, race, and color, whereas in India, caste is based on Brahmanical philosophy and is religiously sanctioned. The changes in the economic, educational, and political condition in western societies led them to help eliminate apartheid in South Africa and similarly in America these conditions led to a beginning of social justice for the African Americans. Whereas, the changes of the economic, educational, and political opportunities in India have not made any difference for India’s marginalised people.

In the western concept of apartheid and racism, no person is defiled or polluted by touching or being touched by a black, but in India even the shadow of an untouchable upon a person of the upper caste defiles. They need to go through a ceremonial cleansing ritual. No white home or church is polluted when a black person enters, but among Indian societies, if a Dalit enters the home of Brahmans then the upper caste is polluted. Caste runs and controls every aspect of Indian society from birth to death, and no one has been able to expunge its pervasive influence.

Caste is often spoken of as a social stigma in Indian society and people even consider it absent in the North East region.  Renowned scholars have expressed at some length that the people of Manipur are lucky that they are free from the practices of caste and its stigma. Remarks such as these are surprising in the face of recent findings. Meitei communities are barred from entering almost all the Hindu temples where the Brahmins are the designated priests. The findings reveal that the practices of caste are seen in many walks of life among the Meitei societies who have converted to Hinduism.

Looking at the issue of singularity of India: integration, homogenization, and racism, it will be helpful to see how the state of Manipur became a part of Indian society and faces the issues and challenges that the nation as a whole is facing.

This paper attempts to connect the socio-religious and political life of Manipur with larger issues and challenges faced by the Indian nation. To address the issues and challenges, it will be worthwhile to review what happened when Hinduism, Vishnuvite religion, and Sanskrit became a part of the Manipur culture. What necessitated the Puya Meithaba of 1729, the burning of Meitei sacred scriptures?

The historians and scholars of Manipur have mentioned the advent of Hinduism in Manipur as Hindunisation, Sanskritisation, and Vaishnavaism, but failed to identify the emergence of Brahmanism.  As a result, the caste became part of the society, yet the historians and scholars failed to identify it as one of the social stigmas within the society.

Ever since the emergence of Hinduism in Manipur and the accompanying rise of Brahmanism, the social stigma of caste prejudice and racism became a part of social life. This paper attempts to look at the concept of singularity in India: integration, homogenization and racism from the perspective of the historical account of the emergence of Brahmanism, particularly among the Meitei society

BRAHAMANISM – A Historical Perspective

Before attempting to look at the historical account of how Brahmanism emerges into the Meitei society, it will necessitate having a clear picture of the historical background of Brahmanism and how it has become a part of Indian society.

According to Manu Smriti, the Brahmins are created from the head of Brahma, who is the head all human races, of all knowledge, and ethnically should be of Aryan stock. This of course prevents anyone who is of non-Aryan stock becoming a Brahmin. They are also known as twice born, head of all humanity, and all other races are unequal to them.

ARYAN INVASION

In order to understand the origin of Brahmins, it will be necessary to understand the Aryan invasion of India. India has more than five thousand years of History. The cultural evidence unearthed by the excavation at Harappa, Mohenjo-Daro etc., helps us to know the real ancient history of India.[1] Generally, it is assumed that there are three races existing in India; Dravidians, who are considered the indigenous people of India, Aryans are the people who have been in Power in India for more than 3000 years, and the Mongolians in North Eastern and East India.

According to the Aryan Invasion Theory (AIT) it is believed that the Aryans were foreigners, who migrated from Eastern Europe. “They insisted that the Harappan were a pre-Vedic (and non-Vedic) people who were defeated by the invading Aryans and forced to migrate en masse to South India, later to be known as Dravidians speaking languages that are supposedly unrelated to Sanskrit.”[2]

US-based Genome Research Journal reports. “Published in a recent edition of the US-based Genome Research Journal, a path breaking research paper concluded that higher caste Hindus are closer to Europeans, particularly East Europeans, while lower caste Hindus are more similar to Asians.”[3] Basham states that the Aryans are migrants. “They migrated to bend westwards, southwards and eastwards, conquering local populations and inter-marrying with them to from a ruling caste. They brought with them their patrilinear family system, their worship of sky gods and their horses and chariots.”[4]

Chentharassery tells us that the Pre-Aryan indigenous people of Indus Civilization had a rich culture and they were well to do people. “The Inhabitants of the Indus Valley were cultured and civilized while the people of rural areas led an agricultural life.”[5]

B. R. Ambekar said that the Hinduism is the religion of Indo-Aryan developed by Brahmins. “Hinduism is nothing but Brahmanism in a new garb.”[6] Ram Charit Manas quotes from Tulsi Das, “The entire universe is under control of Devtas, Devtas are under control of mantras, and mantras are under the control of Brahmin.”[7]

The origins of Brahmins are Aryans who migrated to India from Easter Europe, invaded the indigenous people of India, and became the dominant race in Indian society ever since. The caste system was developed to serve the purposes of keeping their bloodline pure. It became the most powerful tool to benefit them and to suppress the lower castes.

R. P. Harch tells that the Brahmins developed the caste system and Brahma is not a god but it is a caste identity of Brahmins. The Brahmins still use this jatwala Brahma to promote casteism or racism.[8] Bal Krishna Sharma defines caste as, “The word Varna means colour and the characteristic physical different between the Aryans and the non-Aryans (Dasyu or Dasa) was that of colour. The former being the Aryan or fair colour and later black.”[9]

The Construction of the “Manu Smriti” – “Law of Manu”

Hindu literature falls into Sruti and Smriti forms, both are distinct in their content and nature.  Monier defines Sruti this way, “Sruti that which is directly heard or revealed includes the three portions of the Veda, viz. Mantra, Brahmana, and Upanishad, the last being the source of the Darsanas or systems of philosophy. It is equivalent to direct revelation, and is believed to have no human author.”[10] Whereas the Smriti is of human, author “Smriti, that which is remembered and handed down by tradition though believed to be founded on this direct revelation, is thought to have been delivered by human authors.”[11] Manu Smriti is the one authored by human beings believed to have received the divine revelation.

One will not understand caste and Brahmanism without reading the Manu Smriti” or “Law of Manu.” A Non-Brahmin cannot read this sacred book. If any lower caste member hears a Brahmin reading it, the molten lac or tin will be poured into the ears and the tongue will be cut off. It is one of the oldest Vedic books, written mysteriously during the period around the 5^th century B.C.[12]

Manu was a man, who claimed to be Brahma, a solemn god, creator all of systems, one who has supreme knowledge, none can dare to question his knowledge and become the maker and the writer of Smriti, the law to be followed by all human beings. Not much detail is available about him, but Monier’s work suggests he, “is a metrical version of the traditional observances of a tribe of Brahmans called Manavas, who probably belonged to a school of the black Yajurveda and lived in the north-west of India, not far from Delhi, which observances were originally embodied in their Grihya-sutras.”[13] However, Monier fails to pin point the argument.

By referring to Manu Smriti, one will be able to understand socio-religious setup of Indian societies. Manu is a man who claimed to be god, one who is the absolute knowledge and named Brahma. The book itself suggests about the author, “The great sages approached Manu, who was seated with a collected mind, and, having duly worshipped him, spoke as follows:” (Ch 1:1)

What connection has the creation narrative of Manu have with spirituality? Kancha Ilaiah calls Hinduism based on Brahmanism and Manu Smriti a spiritual fascist religion. This book sanctions the practices of the caste system. The instructions given by the Manu Smriti sanctions all forms of caste based atrocities and crimes within India.

Manu Smriti degrades womanhood and does not consider then as equal human beings. Although women are included in Manu’s creation story, he still classified women separately as pleasing and auspicious beings.  “The names of women should be easy to pronounce, not imply anything dreadful, possess a plain meaning, be pleasing and auspicious, end in long vowels, and contain a word of benediction.” (M.S. Ch 2:33) Woman is perceived from the Manu Smriti view as a pleasing and auspicious creature and child bearer.

Creation of the Caste System

James Massey in his book “Dalits: Indigenous People of India” identifies that leaders of Aryan invasion were the Brahmans.  Kancha Ilaiah says that Brahmans had to develop a system so that they could dominate forever. The Importance of keeping pure the Brahmin race was realized at the early stage of the Aryan Invasion and so the implementation of the caste system was invented. Kancha Ilaiah connects the Hindu child marriage and Sati system with the Brahman’s intention to keep their race pure. Any race is polluted through cross-marriage and social mingling. Child marriage is to ensure that the children born to the man is of his pure blood by engaging and marrying the girl child before she reaches puberty. The Sati system is also to ensure that wife will not remarry another man after her first husband dies. This ensures that no children will be born thereafter, which could result  in cross-breeding that would pollute the pure Brahman race.

Manu created human beings into four categories, “But for the sake of the prosperity of the worlds he caused the Brahmana, the Kshatriya, the Vaisya, and the Sudra to proceed from his mouth, his arms, his thighs, and his feet.” (MS Ch 1:31) In Manu’s creation history, Dalits the oppressed and outcaste are not included, which means they are not part of god’s body, treated like sub-human beings. These four castes are further divided with designated professional assignments, “Let (the first part of) a Brahmana’s name (denote something) auspicious, a Kshatriya’s be connected with power, and a Vaisya’s with wealth, but a Sudra’s (express something) contemptible.” (M.S. Ch 2:31)

Manu further classifies them, “(The second part of) a Brahmana’s (name) shall be (a word) implying happiness, of a Kshatriya’s (a word) implying protection, of a Vaisya’s (a term) expressive of thriving, and of a Sudra’s (an expression) denoting service.” (M.S. Ch 2:32). Monier’s work in the early stages of discovering the Hindu figures out, found that Brahmins were superior after the classification of caste system. “In short, the distinction of caste and the inherent superiority of one class over the three others were thought to be as much a law of nature and a matter of divine appointment as the creation of separate classes of animals, with insurmountable differences of physical constitution, such as elephants, lions, horses, and dogs.”[14]

Reserving education to the Brahmans was a cunningly crafted tool. They have used their knowledge to keep others in ignorance. Kancha puts it this way, “The most powerful instrument that human beings discovered to transform their selves is education. This instrument – both reading and writing – was not only under Brahmanical control for a long time, but also misused by the Brahmans to their own advantage.”[15]

THE EMERGENCE OF BRAHMANISM IN MANIPUR

The historians fixed Santidas Gosai coming to Manipur in 1717 AD and the burning of the Meitei Puya in 1729 AD. These events are termed as the emergence of Hinduism in Manipur. However, the fact is, that the term “Hinduism” was not known to the world. The usage of the term “Hinduism” began only from the 19^th century. Monier’s work in the late 19^th century tells us that the terms were not known to the natives during that period, “Looking at it in its pantheistic aspect, we may call it Brahmanism; in its polytheistic development, Hinduism; but these are not names recognized by the natives.”[16] This does not suggest that Hinduism as a religion never existed, but the religion was not defined as Hinduism as it is known today. The religion existed but the religion as Hinduism was strange to the society. The Manu Smriti, the Vedic scripture, which describes the creation of caste and distribution of occupation based on race, does not mention the word “Hindu” nor “Hinduism,” similarly, one will hardly find the usage of these words. However, for the people of Manipur, the term and concept was totally foreign.

If there was no usage of the term “Hinduism,” then what was the religion that the Meitei king Pamheiba was adopting from Shantidas Gosai? What then necessitated the burning of Meitei Puyas? It will be unfair for the academicians and the historians to state, without examining the background that Hinduism emerged into the soil of Manipur.

In the context of Manipur, the concept of Brahmanism or the Brahmin is understood completely different from the rest of world. The Brahmin men are known as Bamons and Brahmin women as Thourani in Manipur. Both names are tonally corrupted words for Brahmins and Thakuranis. Thakur or Thakurani are derived from the rich landlord or landowners, who are known as Thakur, who are upper caste but not Brahmin.

Brahmins are of pure blood origin in their race. They do this by not allowing any inter marriages to occur with other peoples or other caste. The Meitei Brahmins are the product of cross race through inter-marriage of Meitei women married to Mayang (outsider) Brahmins. Their decedents are segregated as the Bamons in Manipur.

The profession of Bamons in Manipur is different from the Brahmins in the rest of the world. In Manipur, they controlled the activities of the temple, performed rituals, and lived in the temple known as Mantop Campus. Their primary job is to cook food for festivals and any party among the Meitei society. Their wages are paid without a fixed rate and are higher than normal wages Meitei labourers.

They are considered holy people and are called “Eiga”, a corrupt tonal word for Igya in Hindi, which means Give Your Order. Many Meiteis do not know the connotation of these terms. Theses designations caused the people to become angry and they refused to use the term any longer saying, “Why should we pay such high respect to other fellow human beings.” This kind of reaction became severe after the Meiteis in the early 1980’s began renouncing Hinduism and adopting their old, indigenous religion known as Sanamahi.

In the context of Manipur, attempting to understand the meaning of proselytizing the Meitei through the “Puya Meithaba” is not possible without an understanding of the Manu Smriti. It was an attempt to bring these hardcore ideologies of Brahmanism, coined and knitted upon the very genres of the Manu Smriti and the caste system, into the Meitei societies.  It was much beyond the attempt of Hindunisation or Sanskritisation or Vaisnavitisation, rather it was an act of the Brahmanisation of the Meiteis.

One must understand that before the emergence of the Hinduism in Manipur, the state had allies in the neighbouring kingdoms. Rena quotes Pemberton; describing the visit of Samlong a brother of the King of Pong in 777 A.D.[17] The historians also inform us that Manipur was invaded by various Kingdoms from Thailand in 707 A.D. and latter from Burma in 1702 and 1764 A.D.

The difference between the invasion from the neighbouring kingdoms and the emergence of Hinduism is a contrasting picture. Theses kingdoms did not attempt to dismantle the social organizational setup of the Meitei Pantheon; ritual, ritual expertise, religious belief systems, and practices of the Meiteis, whereas the Brahmins did through the “Puya Meithaba”.

Proselytisation of Meiteis into Brahmanical Religion

The argument is that the religion brought by Shantidas Gosai to Manipur and adopted by the Meitei king Pamheiba was not known as Hinduism but it was a religion that belongs to the Brahmins. Hindu as people and corrupt tonal pronunciation of Sindh, which is also tonal corrupt word for Indus River. “Ism” to Hindu, forming “Hinduism” was added by the scholars while studying the religions of the World like Buddhism and Christianity etc. What then is Hinduism? Monier sites four periods of Sanskrit literature, which suggested the formation of the term.

I. The three portions of the Veda, Mantra, Brahmana, and Upanishad. II. The Darsanas, or systems of philosophy. III. The Dharma-sastras. IV. The Bhakti-sastras. The principal works under these four heads are the best exponents of the different periods of development through which the Hindu religious mind has passed, and which, together, make up Hinduism.[18]

Bhattacharyya attempted to deny the existence of casteism after the emergence of Hinduism in North East India. He quotes from S. N. Sarma.

Characteristics like belief in the adoration of personal God, Visnu or Krsna, emphasis on devotion and faith, recognition of the equality of all persons, the ignoring of the caste distinction at the spiritual level, the high place assigned to virtues like love, piety and non-violence and deprecation of the practice of image worship, are common to all Vaisnavite movements of the middle ages.[19]

Not only does Bhattacharyya deny the existence of caste in North East India but also the historians from Manipur hardly address the subject. The religion brought by Shantidas Gosai and later in the form of Vaishnavism by Narattama Thakura was not known as Hinduism at that time. As noted above by Monier it was constructed on the four periods of Sanskrit literature. They were the products on the Brahmin philosophers.

Longjam Nobinchandra’s work reveals the social changes among Meiteis after being converted to Hinduism. “After mass-conversion of the population to the Hindu-fold in the 18^th century, social habits particularly in respect of inter-dining among different clans underwent a basic change. Only the Brahmins could cook and serve the food during a community feast. They do not take what Meitei cook (Apartheid!)”[20]

Longjam Nobinchandra avoided the term caste but rather substituted with the term Apartheid, a concept of racism, which is very different from the concept of caste. His comment that Meiteis after converting to Hinduism benefitted from Brahmins, seems to indicate his lack of understanding on Brahmanism and the social calamity that follows under caste hierarchy.

“In fact, the new converts derived tremendous spiritual benefits under the guidance of the Brahmins, who came from outside and got settled ultimately to become Meiteis in every respect except their retention of the Brahmin-compels, and blood, which has been considered as a feudal relic.”[21] Without any attempt to understand the Brahmanism and the caste, Longjam Nobinchandra interpreted this social transformation in its narrowest form.

Soon the classification of caste hierarchy became a part of the society among Meiteis. The descendents of Manipur women married to Brahmins became the Brahmin communities. The royal clans became the Kshetriya the ruling communities. The Meiteis as Sudras, while the Lois and Chakpas became the untouchables. The caste became a part of the society that controls every aspect of life among Meiteis from time of birth until death.

PUYA MEITHABA: What necessitated it?

The Meiteis have two writing scripts – Meitei Mayek and Bengali scripts. The usages of the first are recorded from the 10^th century. Rena states, “A study of the epigraphical sources reveal that the Phayeng Copper Plate written in Meitei mayek has been assigned to the year 799 A.D. by W. Yumjao Singh, one of the pioneers in the field of archaeology in Manipur.”[22] The latter emerged after the Meiteis were proselytised to Hinduism and begun its use before the 19^th century.

The Meitei manuscripts were originally written on small thin boards of sapwood from the agaru or agar tree. The ink used was made of lampblack and gall, and the pen was made of small pieces of fully matured and seasoned bamboo.[23]

The word “Puya” or “Puwari” is derived from P=Ipa-Ipu (forefathers) + Ya= Yathang (Instruction). Puwari (Forefathers’ Stories) – Pu = Ipa-Ipu + wari (stories). The Meitei scripture or Puya are the written text of the teachings of the Meitei forefathers. They also contain narratives of history, the royal accounts, events, social organisational setup, rituals, ritual expertises, religious festivals and practices, written mostly by Maichous (priests). “The Puyas may be defined as written records handed down to posterity by the forefathers of the Meiteis. They are a particular kind of old narratives which form a definite class in Manipuri literature.”[24]

Puyas tells the origins of the Meiteis, their history, religion, social and cultural practices. Without them, the identity of Meiteis cannot be traced. Fortunately, different versions of Puyas were found in the custody of different individuals even after burning down officially in 1729.

According to Rena, “The Puyas may be defined as written records handed down to posterity by the forefathers of the Meiteis. They are a particular kind of old narratives which form a definite class in Manipuri literature.”[25] Rena also tells that Puyas are sources of history, social and religious life of Meiteis.

The five forms in which the Puyas are available to us and the subjects covered have been already dealt with. “Longthabalon and Sanggai Phammang are Puyas which are classified strictly under the group of genealogy. Leithak Leikharon, Khamlangba Erengba Puwari and Pudin are Puyas which deal with creation and cosmology in general as the central theme… Thalloi Nongkhailon and Erat Thounirol deal with various details of rituals. There are a class of Puyas which deal exclusively with a particular deity. Puyas such as Sanamahi Puya and Pakhangba Laihui help us to gather information on the parentage myths associated, names by which the deity is known, rituals to be performed for them, items of food or flowers to be offered etc. Panthoibi Khongul is another Puya which deals with a particular deity.[26]

What was motive behind burning of all of these sacred writing of Meiteis? What necessitated Shantidas Gosai and  the Manipuri King Pamheiba to burn the Meitei Puyas?

Assault on historical account of Meitei Pantheon

The Meiteis had the historic ages like the Vedic writings. The burning of Meitei Puyas assaulted the historical account of  the Meitei Pantheon. Rena records two great ages of  the Meitei Pantheon: The Hangko and the Chak. “The Leishemlon Ariba Puya divides the Hangko age into four major sub-periods viz., Ko-Hangko, Thoi-Hangko, Tayo-Hangko and Poi-Hangko. Each period was ruled by Chinggu Mapuren Sidaba, Pakhangba, Kourouhanba and Koubaren respectively”[27] These four sub-periods cover 19,55,88,945 years, 16,29,906 years, 57,845 and 11,79,900 years, respectively bringing a total of 19,84,56,596 years according to Meitei calendar.[28]

The Meiteis have forgotten these great ages as a result of burning the Puyas. The Vedic age narratives of Hindu Pantheons like Ramayana and Mahabharata have replaced the Meitei Pantheon ages. Soon after proselytisation of Meiteis into the Brahmin religion, the episode of Mahabharata and Ramayana was translated into Manipuri.  “… the Sanskrit epic parvas the Mahabharata and Ramayana were translated into Meeteilon while many other Sanskrit Parvas were written by Angom Gopi (1710–1780).”[29] Princess Bimbabati known as Shija Laioibi was symbolically married and dedicated her life to Shri Govindajee, who composed the Rasa lila. Meidingu Chingthangkhomba dedicated three forms of Rasa lila to Krishna — Kunja Ras, Maha Ras and Basanta Ras.[30]

The Sanskrit epic of Mahabharata, Ramayana and the Ras Lila of the new found religion, replaced the Meitei pantheon epic. Very little of the epic of the Meitei pantheon is remembered among the Meitei communities.

Assault on the Social Organisational Setup of Meiteis

After the burning of the Meitei Puyas, the social life changed. The identity of the Meiteis was distorted. For example, If you book a flight by filling your clan’s name as the first name, your actual name in the middle and Singh or Devi according to you gender at last column, your name will appear like this, Moirangthem Singh. The flight attendants might say, “Hello! Mr. or Mrs. Moirangthem,” and you remain shocked and embarrassed. It is the same when you fill up a Passport application form and you are confused as to what to put in your surname column! It is a sadly distorted identity!

The name “Manipur” is also a distorted name. What was the original name of Manipur? There are numbers of names like “Meeteileibak”, Kangleipak, Poirei, etc. The name Manipur was not the original name, it was given only after the emergence of the Brahmin religion.

The Meiteis had social organisational setups, which were free from any form of caste practices. Rena classified the social setup of Meiteis. “There are three types of such Puyas. The first group include the family tree of each sagei viz; Thokchomlon, Khumukchamlon etc. The second group of Puya are those which record the yet three of each salai viz; Khumanlon etc. The group includes those Puyas which record the genealogical three of all the salais viz; Sanggai Phammang, Langthaballon etc”[31]

The Meitei community of today has seven clans. They are Ningthouja, Angom, Chengloi, Nganba or Khabanganaba, Looang, Khoomon and Moirang. These are hardly remembered. Rena records the social organisational changes after Meiteis were proselytised and burning Meitei Puyas.

Social Hierarchy

King – Aristrocratic Lineages

(Belonging to the Royal Families)

Salai and Sagei

(Constituting the Majority of the Meitei Population)

Lowest Social Group such as Lois and Yaithibis

(Performing menial services for the royal household)[32]

Looking at Rena’s observation of socio-religious organisational changes it is noted that the Brahmins are not the dominant communities, but rather the royal families. However, the Brahmin community still remains the dominant community as far as the religious practices are concerned.

Assault on the Practices of Rituals and the Ritual Specialists

The Meitei rituals are divided into two categories – private and public rituals. According to Rena, “Private worship includes those rituals which are performed within the premises of a family. They are performed at three levels viz; phungga (hearth), sagei (sub-clan) and salai (clan). The public rituals, on the other hand, are observed in public places such as the premises of a local shrine, a selected site etc…”[33]

The Meitei religious practices had high places for Maibas and Maibis. They are unlike the practices of maintaining pure blood for the Brahmin race. The role of Maibas (priests) and Maibis (priestesses) were not classified by birth. Every member of phungga, sagei and salai can become a Maiba or  a Maibi.

The concept of Maibi in the social organisation setup and ritual practices among the Meiteis is a concept of gender equality and empowerment of women. The prophetic role of Maibis during Lai-Haraoba is reverent in a manner of fear and obedience.

The prophetic role of female priestesses is considered an important aspect among the Meitei society. The maibis would prophecy the fortune of the individual, families, and the nation. They were believed to come true. They are ritual specialists. This suggests a high place for women among the Meitei religious and social setup.

The burning of Puyas has assaulted the ritual specialists of the Meiteis.  The Brahmin men determined the fortune of every newborn child by writing their horoscope. These Brahmin also replaced the Meitei priestesses.

Assault on the Religious and Traditional Practices

The historians and scholars have identified that the religion adopted by Meiteis was Vaishnavism. Vaishnavism is the love of lord Vishnu or his followers introduced to Meitei communities by Narattama Dasa Thakura. Lord Krishna is identified as an incarnation of lord Vishnu and so there are many Krishna temples. Then how does the Narasingh Thakur temple exist in Manipur? This is one of the more revered among all Hindu temples.

Hinduism manufactures new gods for newly converted communities. Balmiki, the one who authored the Ramayana episode, was made a god for the sweeper class communities. These temples are only for low caste communities. No upper caste individual would be seen going there. Sani Dev is a god for Chamar communities, whose profession is to skin the dead animals. Sani Dev is worshipped only on Saturdays.  Saturday is considered a bad day for any good work within Hindu cults. Sani Dev is considered a defiled god. The low caste communities are told to worship him when family members in trouble.

What about Meiteis, when they are converted to Hinduism? “Singh” means lion in Hindi. This title is affixed after every Meitei men’s name. Was it taken from the name of Narattama Dasa Thakura? Could it have been possibly manufactured as a new god for Meiteis who had converted to the Brahmin religion?

CONCLUDING REMARK

The consequence of burning the Meitei Puyas was that Hinduism became the state religion. It was an assault on secularism and democracy where multi ethnic race, language, and religion existed for ages. Inequality among the Meitei Society and with other communities became a part of life. The practice of caste is often ignored, when it controls almost every aspect life. The Meiteis are barred from entry into Hindu temples. Intermarriage among Brahmins and Meiteis are not allowed. Brahmins are defiled when Meiteis touch them. Brahmins do not eat food cooked by Meiteis. These are just some of the symptoms of caste practices among the Meitei society after the event of the Puya Meithaba. The gap between the valley and hills widened to the point that it has led to socio-political mayhem in the state.

The damage has been done to the religious pantheon belief system, rituals, social setup, and traditional practices. It will require us to undo the damage by visiting the history, and pin pointing what actually destroyed the social fabric of peace, harmony, and co-existence.

By Madhu Chandra

Introduction

The issues and challenges faced by the people from North East India living in Delhi and NCR and now in other mega cities like Bangalore, Hyderabad, Mumbai, and Pune has become a national issue and debated widely. The institutions like Jawaharlal Nehru Universities, Delhi University, Jamia, Indira Gandhi Open Universities and Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai have conducted various research projects on the issues faced by the North East Indian migrants.

Now, The S. K. Women College in collaboration with Human Rights Alert, Manipur taking up the issues faced by the North East Indian communities is the need of the hour. The findings and outcome of this seminar, could become the social actor and indicator for the law enforcing agencies and government to make laws, policies and develop plan of action by Central and respective governments.

North East Support Centre & Helpline conducted a research during January and February 2011 under the title, “North East Migration and Challenges in National Capital Cities.” The report of the project was released on International Women’s day on 8 March 2011 and copies were made available for public access.

The study was carried out through field interviews, questionnaire and literature research methodologies. The respondents are from two sources – First, 107 respondents from field interviews and questionnaire and second from 96 victims who have reported to North East Support Centre and Helpline during 2005 – 2011.

The purpose of the study was to explore the trend of North East Indian migration and challenges faced in Delhi and NCR through an academic research project. The study recommended for law enforcing agents and concerned governments to introduce suitable laws, policies, and plan of actions and implement them to end sexual violence, racial discrimination, and challenges of human trafficking faced by North East India communities.

The North East India in National Scenario

The day MC Mary Kom fought the semi final of the women boxing at London Olympic, the anchor of NDTV Big Fight invited me for a penal discussion. I declined as I was out of Delhi. He asked, “Whether Mary Kom’s medal in London Olympic create a better image on North East people at large.” I said a big “NO”. That is exactly happening across the nation now.

The hate rumour against the people from North East India living in mega cities has caused the panic among the entire North East communities and fled for life. The situation became worse in spite of the repeated assurance by Indian parliament and state governments.

There are invisible communal forces behind the hate rumour. The intention of the invisible communal forces was to defame the certain minority communities and provoke for a communal clash among the different communities in India. The nation has witnessed similar intentions in the past. The Hindutva forces planted bombs to defame Muslim communities.

Times of India reports that 20% of the hate rumour against the people from North East India were posted in the blogs belong to Hindutva forces.[1] The hate rumour has left a deep wound that will remain unhealed for long time. There has been a massive social profiling and attack on North East people for last many years. The government machineries were not able to stop, the crimes increased, first in Delhi and NCR, now expanded to mega cities and all over the country.

Delhi has become a rape and unsafe capital for women, particularly those working at night. The case of Dhaula Kuan gang rape of 30 years old Mizo girl, an employee at BPO by five men in moving truck on midnight of November 23, 2010 had shocked the whole nation. It was not the first nor was last of the plights faced by people from North East India.

The North East Migration

The usage of term migrants to North East India living in Delhi and other cities has been criticised by some individuals, saying that how can be the same citizen of the nation be called a migrant in their own country. However, scholars use same terminology while defining the urban migration to own citizens.

1. The Migration at Peak

Until early 2000 AD, the majority of the people from the North East India came to Delhi for central government jobs and higher studies. The larger number of people began migrating after 2000 and increased in last five years, most to pursuit of higher studies and hunt employment opportunities. Prasant Barooah of NE Career Centre reports, “If you look at the trend analysis on North East Indian students going abroad for Higher Studies and job opportunities (2005-2009), it shows increasing trend till about 2007, but decreasing trend since 2008.”     [2] However, migrating to other cities of India went high.

According to the study, over 414,850 people migrated from Northeast India to other mega cities of India during 2005 and 2010. It is 12 times growth from 34,000 populations in 2005 in the last six years. The annual average increasing number of migration is 13.62%, which is about 50,000. By now, about 500,000 people have migrated, and this will increase up to 50 lakhs migrants in next five years.

Delhi is one of the most preferred destinies for the North East migrants. It has over 200,000 North East migrants, which is 48.21%. Only 5% of migrants return to North East India after completing their studies.

The 66.35% of the North East migrants migrate for higher studies, out of which, 78.15% for graduate studies, 11.48% for Engineering/managerial, 6.80% for Research/Ph. D. and 3.57% for medical studies while 35% of migrants migrate for employment opportunities in other cities of India with 15% for Government jobs and 85% for un-organized private sectors.

There are numbers of push factors for the North East Indians to migrate to Delhi, Bengaluru, Chennai, Mumbai, Kolkata and other cities. Identification of these push factors is important as it reveals the real life situation of the region that existed for years without any specific plan to address the problem. The push factors include the following.

2. Lack of Educational Infrastructure – the Main Push Factor

The lack of the educational infrastructure with limited choice of studies available in the North East India, is a major push factor for migration to other cities and overseas. The study finds that the lack of educational infrastructure with limited choice of education is the main push factor to the migration from the region. The educational system is badly affected. This should be a top concern for the entire region. Almost all government-run schools have failed and the high school and higher secondary education survived because of the private schools. The most affected state is Manipur where there are about 100 days without classes in a year as schools are closed due to public strikes.

Vanlalchhawna records the numbers of educational institution in the region. “As on 2002-03, there were 478 colleges for general education, 113 colleges for professional education, and 15 universities/deemed universities, 5 central universities, 4 state universities and 6 others…”[3] Most of these higher educational institutions dominated by general, arts, science, and commerce. Professional schools are lacking. “The region as a whole is backward in technical and other professional studies. Medical education in the North East India is highly inadequate.”[4]

The North East Council reports about the trend the higher education in the region. “… college enrolment is very low in the region, as low as 4.8 percent in Nagaland and 5.6 percent in Arunachal against the already low national average of 10 percent (Table 8.18A (a) in Annexure 8.1)… Thousands of students from the North East go to other parts of the country for higher studies, both because of the lack of professional education as well as the level of instruction and curricula in colleges and universities in the region, both of which affect their potential for employment.”[5]

3. The Lack of Employment Opportunities: The Push Factor

There is a lack of employment opportunity in all North East states. Government employment is small percentage and it is available only to those who have political connections or money to bribe. The educated poor, who have no political connections, do not get government jobs.

The corporate and private companies do not invest in the region but attracts the young educated generation to mega cities with employment opportunities. The English medium education offered by various private schools in North East India and the personalities of the educated unemployed youngsters, helps them to get jobs in BPO companies, hospitality industries and beauty parlours in mega cities.

4.  The Socio-Political Crisis: The Push Factor

The socio-political unrest has affected the education, the economic, and the employment opportunities in North East India. The mushrooming of militants, bloodshed, constant public strikes, Armed Forces Special Powers Act, and corrupt nature of government are major feature of socio-political unrest in the region for 50 years and more. Life in the region is a nightmare – 100 days of public strikes in a year – markets shut, schools closed, and public transportation off the road.[6]

Two major ethnic communal conflicts occurred in state of Manipur between Naga-Kuki in 1992-09, Meitei-Pangal (Manipuri Muslim) in 1993 and Kuki-Paite. Currently communal tension is being created between Nagas and Meiteis on Manipur state integration issue. Naga-Kuki clashes left 231 villages burnt, 285 villages deserted, 6,000 houses burnt, 10,000 families affected, 15,000 school going children affected, 60,000 people internally displaced and 1,300 people killed.[7]

The consequences continue until today, the children still internally displaced are not able to return to their schools. The communal affected people migrate to other cities of India in search of livelihood and children suffer as human traffickers target them. Communal violence has become a factor for North Easterners seeking to migrate from the region.

Delhi Most Preferred Destiny: The Pull Factor

With the emerging of globalization, Delhi is the most attractive destiny for North East migrants for good educational infrastructure with multiple choices of study and employment opportunities in Central government jobs and private companies.

The major pull factor for the migration of people from North East India is the impact of globalisation. Although the push factors mentioned above have existed in the region for the last few decades, the phenomena of migrating to mega cities, particularly in search of job opportunities, did not take place until the emergence of globalisation. Globalisation opened the door of opportunities for the whole world and it has attracted the people of North East India to mega cities.

1. Delhi has Better Educational Environment

Delhi has much better educational environment that attracts the North East students with multiple choices of courses to study. This has attracted the young generation from North East India but only a small percentage of the population can afford to move.

Delhi has 937 Government schools[8] and 1153 Private schools.[9] Majority of the people from North East India migrates to Delhi for higher and professional studies. Schools in Delhi attract small number of children from North East India. The rich families can afford to send their children for high school education in Delhi. In future, more children are likely to migrate to Delhi if socio-political and education infrastructure remains in the same condition.

Delhi has recognized four Universities – University of Delhi, Jawaharlal Nehru University, Guru Govind Singh Indraprastha University, and Jamia Millia Islamia University. Under Delhi University, there are 82 colleges offering various fields of studies from Graduation to Ph. D. level.[10] Jawaharlal Nehru University offers Arts, Aesthetics, Biotechnology, Computer and System Sciences, Environmental Sciences, Computational and Integrative Sciences, International studies, Language Literature and Cultural Studies, Life Sciences, Physical Sciences, Social Sciences, Molecular Medicine, Sanskrit Studies, Law and Governance and Nano Sciences etc.[11]

1. Delhi has Better Employment Opportunities

The employment opportunities in central government jobs have attracted the educated young generation from the North East. They have to compete by taking examinations.  However, obtaining positions in a central governmental department is relatively easy because many North Easterners come from Scheduled Caste and Tribe communities and qualify for reserved jobs in both in higher and lower professions.

The employment opportunities mushroomed in BPO private unorganized sectors. Shalini Verma writes, “What is still more encouraging is that although countries like Australia, China, the Philippines, and Ireland have, of late, emerged as the close competitors of India in the BPO sector, the latter is still the favoured destination.”[12]

Mark Kobayashi Hillary supports Shalini Verma, “As the National Capital Region (NCR), most of the major outsourcing firms has a presence here. NIIT and HCL Technologies are based here and BPO players Daksh, vCustomer and WiproSpectramind all have major local facilities.”[13] Delhi and NCR have 7509 private sector companies in various fields.[14] These sectors attract the people from North East India.

1. The Globalisation: The Pull Factor

The globalisation opened doors to many other employment opportunities, particularly for the semi-professional and semi-skilled person. Many young boys and girls from North East India, who are semi-skilled or semi-professional, get jobs in organised and non-organised private companies like BPOs, hospitality corporations, and shopping malls. Many of these young people have appealing personalities, the ability to communicate in English, and come from a hospitality/socially oriented culture that values honesty and hard work. This makes them attractive candidates to private companies. Nevertheless, they are not without challenges when they migrate to mega cities, particularly in Delhi and NCR.

Challenges in Delhi and NCR

1. Unsafe Delhi for Women

Delhi has become an unsafe city with increasing crimes against women. According to Delhi police, every 18 hours, a woman is raped and every 14 hours a woman is molested in Delhi.[15] Jagori an organization working for women in Delhi conducted a pilot research in 2009 and their findings match close to police record. Around 70% women were reported harassed on roads while around 60% men and 71% common witnesses reported that they have seen women being harassed.[16]

2. Unsafe for North East Communities

North East people in Delhi and NCR continue to face racial discrimination, racial attack, abuse, rape, molestation, and killing. North East Support Centre & Helpline records 96 crimes against its people in Delhi and NCR, of which, 58% happened against women (34% molestation, 8% human trafficking, 7% beating, 4% rape, 2% attempt to rape), 26% against men, 5% murder, 6% non-payment of salary, 3% non-refund rent deposit, 1% missing person and 1% media bias. Challenges faced by North East people in Delhi have a paradigm shift from racial attack to sexual violence and sexual violence to human trafficking.

First two are not organised crimes while the last operates in organised gangs. We are not prepared to handle it. Perhaps, there is a need for separate study on the issue of human trafficking faced by the region.

3. Social Profiling against the North East Communities increase

The study finds 78% of North Easterners in Delhi face racial discrimination in different forms, which is slightly less compare to the 86% in 2009. The 83% of North East men and the 74% of their women face racial discrimination, while girls are victims of easy target of sexual violence in Delhi and NCR.

Social profiling is the root cause of racial discrimination, attack, and sexual violence against men and women from North East India. It is a reflection of India’s caste practices and social system as majority of North East India come from scheduled caste and tribes and ethnically Mongoloid race.

6. Inactiveness of Law Enforcing Agencies

Inactiveness of police officers on duty, who are biased in providing service to vulnerable men and women to racial attack and sexual violence and failing to book the perpetrators have fuelled more crimes against the North East Indian communities in Delhi and NCR.

There is reluctance to issue directive to law enforcing agencies to provide safety measurement for vulnerable North East communities. They waited and delayed until the matter became very serious.

Recommendations:

1. Investment for Education and Economic Development

North East Indian states need specific investment for educational infrastructure and economic development from Union government and state governments must prioritize it. Union Government along with Ministry of Development of North Eastern Region, North East Council, and state governments must seek to invest more to develop more in educational sector in the region.

The Union Government’s budget of Rs 6000 crore for 2011does not have any specific designated fund for higher educational infrastructure. The budget was a peanut compare to the amounts of money sent by the poor parents from the entire North East India to their children studying outside. Over 270,000 students if calculated at the rate of Rs 5000 per month, it comes to amount Rs 1600 crore, which is the one fourth of the Union Government’s budget for the region.

2. Political Will

The nation saw the Indian parliamentarians while the North East Indian communities were fleeing from Bangalore and other cities. It was a united voice of all parties, affirming their care and concern for the community. Soon the political parties diverted the whole issue by bringing the issue of CAG report. The world will doubt that it was just a crocodile tear.

A political will from Union Government, Delhi Government, and the Ministry of Development of North Eastern Region (DoNER) must issue directive to implement existing laws, policies, and plan of actions to end racial discrimination, sexual violence, and human trafficking challenges faced by North East communities in national capital cities. North East MP Forums must take note of the plights faced by their communities and take up the matter with concerned law enforcing agencies and governments.

The Union Home ministry’s decision to include the racial discrimination under the Scheduled Caste/Scheduled Tribe Prevention of Atrocity 1989 is one positive response. The North East Indian communities will need to see how this new law is implemented.

4. Law Enforcing Agencies

Safety preventive steps taken by Delhi police following Dhaula Kuan gang rape case, setting up night patrolling in unsafe places, CCTV camera installation, English speaker Helpline operators, women helpline and women cell at police stations and 9 points safety guidelines to BPO companies must be proactively monitored on regular basis.

The North East Support Centre and Helpline has been demanding for long time to appoint a police officer, preferably from North East India and setup up separate helpline for the community. It has been denied and delayed for years. Now, with political will, DCP Mr Robin Hibul from Arunachal Pradesh has been appointed to look into the issues and challenges faced by the community.

5. The Need of Cultural Sensitisation and Integration

The student communities beginning from class 10 must be sensitised about safety before they leave their home states for further study and job in mega cities. Many of the North East girls get shocked when they fall at the prey of the perpetrators.

The student communities from various cities of India kept on requesting the North East Support Centre and Helpline to extend to other cities. It was not in the position to extend. Now different North East Student Forums are setup in different cities. They will have challenges as the service to the needy and victims cannot be given by non-professional personnel.

 Basic legal awareness on how to file cases and legal remedies are essential part of sensitisation. The North East Indian communities have bias conception about the case being filed. They are worried about their names included in the case, fearing that it will hamper in their career. When they lodge a complaint and case filed, it is not a case registered against their names. It must be sensitised to them.

Lastly, not the least, the cultural integration is very important and the need. The cultural integration with different communities is needed from all sections of Indian society. The civil societies and public’s support shown this time from different corner of the nation is the sign that there are people who do not subscribe to any form of social profiling and racial attack. The cultural integration with different people will help dealing the challenges faced by the North East Indian communities.

Madhu Chandra is a social activist and research scholar based at Kakching, Manipur. He works as Regional Secretary of All India Christian Council (www.indianchristians.in), Spokesperson of North East Support Centre & Helpline (www.nehelpline.net) and National Secretary of All India Confederation of SC/ST Organisations (www.scstconfederation.org).

By Madhu Chandra

Anna Hazare and his team known as Team Anna, is deeply debated as a movement manufactured by Indian media, particularly electronic media and Television News Channels. Team Anna has repeatedly claimed that the whole nation of 1.2 billion people is with them for their campaign against corruption. This claim is from the respond to Anna Hazare’s Lila at Ram Lila ground in September last year, which lasted 8 days fast. Their claim of whole nation supporting their cause has been proved wrong, first when the Scheduled Caste and Tribe communities marched out at India Gate on September 22 last year against Anna Hazare and his team’s method of demand to bring Lokpal Bill. Secondly, he and his team failed to bring the crowd when he launched fast protest in Mumbai in December last year and so is the same episode this time at Jantar Mantar where the man behind Team Anna’s brain storm, Mr. Arvind Kejariwal and his colleagues are fasting for last 9 days.

The nation has not responded this time as the Team Anna wanted. What is the response from entire North East India toward Anna Hazare’s campaign against corruption? The supporters of Irom Sharmila, who has been fast unto death for last 12 years, once decided to join the support and should found out that Team Anna, not for the cause of Sharmila’s struggle but to use her as a poster ground on his Anna Lila. Many objected to the Sharmila’s supporters yet went ahead folding hands but only to be rejected. If one could analysis the motive behind the supporters of Sharmila, one can find that it was not really to the cause of Anna Hazare’s struggle against corruption but wanted to take mileage of highlighting Sharmila’s fight against Armed Forces Special Power Act that has been imposed upon the entire North East India for last 50 plus years. Akil Gogoi the Right to Information (RTI) Activist, went to Ram Lila ground, a lone representatives though disappeared sooner than what he wanted to be. His face was not much appealing to the crowd as Delhi is top most racial hatred against North East communities.

To mention one more figure, definitely list on top of all is none other than the famous anchor of Time Now TV news channel, Mr. Arnab Goswami, who originally hailed from Assam and residing in Mumbai. His channel was one of the media who led manufacturing Anna Hazare like Mahatma Gandhi and his team as sole messiah for India against corruption.

Do Anna Hazare and his team really see North East India with all the challenges, issues and problems in the region see as a matter of integrated nation? One of worse communal violence, begun in lower Assam  just few days before Anna Hazare and his team begun the current fast unto death at Jantar Mantar, New Delhi. Does Anna Hazare and his team care of the lost of 50 lives, thousands homes, hundreds of home destroyed and over two lakh people became homeless. The region is still burning and not a single sign of concern from Anna Hazare and his team.

 What will matter if the method adopted by Anna Hazare and Team Anna to push through their version of Lokpal for whole nation and what about for North East India? Have we seen the forces behind Team Anna? It is worth to understand Team Anna and invisible forces behind the show, the method used to push their demand and the content and consequences of their version of Lokpal Bill.

All sections of Indian society have suffered from corruption and all must fight against it. Everybody has a right to protest against corruption in a democratic manner. Civil society’s fight has a big role in bringing policies, laws, and plans of action against corruption. Having said this, there remains many unanswered questions related to the whole issue of corruption among them is the version of Anna Hazare’s civil society and the rise of the anti-corruption movement.

Is monetary corruption the only challenge in India which Team Anna is concerned about? What about socio-religious corruption of caste? What about ensuring affirmative action for marginalised people in corporate establishments? What about the failure of the state to fight communalism against minorities, marginalised people, and the rise of fascism? These are questions left by Team Anna while fighting against corruption. They are interlinked with corruption in general.

First, it has the invisible forces:

According to Arundhati Roy, it was a force of (a) Vande Mataram (b) Bharat Mata ki Jai (c) India is Anna, Anna is India (d) Jai Hind. The background of Vande Mataram written by Bankim Chandra Chattopadyay in his book Anandamath has deep connection with Anti-Muslim message. The controversy becomes more complex in the light of Rabindranath Tagore’s rejection of the song as one that would unite all communities in India. Tagore wrote:

The core of Vande Mataram is a hymn to the goddess Durga: this is so plain that there can be no debate about it. Of course Bankimchandra does show Durga to be inseparably united with Bengal in the end, but no Mussulman [Muslim] can be expected patriotically to worship the ten-handed deity as ‘Swadesh’ [the nation]. This year many of the special [Durga] Puja numbers of our magazines have quoted verses from Vande Mataram—proof that the editors take the song to be a hymn to Durga. The novel Anandamath is a work of literature, and so the song is appropriate in it. But Parliament is a place of union for all religious groups, and there the song cannot be appropriate. When Bengali Mussulmans show signs of stubborn fanaticism, we regard these as intolerable. When we too copy them and make unreasonable demands, it will be self-defeating.

Similarly, the concept of Bharat Mata predates the partition of India. She is intended to represent “Aryavarta”, the motherland of Hinduism in Hindu nationalism, not merely restricted to the secular Republic of India. Bharat Mata remains a symbol of the “vision of a unified motherland” in Hindu nationalist thought.

If one looks at these invisible forces, one will find different forms they have incarnated into in last two decades. There seems to be no connection with any corruption movement in these periods. They had Anti-Reservationists during the Anti-Mandal I in 1990, when the Mandal Commission recommendations were introduced to be implemented.

One incarnation was the Youth For Equality movement during Anti-Mandal II opposing UPA government’s 27% OBC reservation in higher technical institutions in 2006. Interestingly both Anti-Reservationists and Youth For Equality were orchestrated by the All India Institute of Medical Science in New Delhi.

Another incarnation was the India Against Corruption movement during Anna Lila at Ram Lila ground. What form of incarnation will appear next, nobody knows and only time will tell. But the reality is that every movement they come up with becomes stronger and imperils the nation.

Second, it was an attempt to assault Indian Democracy:

M. K. Gandhi was assassinated by a gun but Anna Hazare, who has been acclaimed by some as the second Gandhi, was almost killed by hunger at Ram Lila ground. What would have had happened for the nation, if he had died at Ram Lila? The parliament perhaps would have been overthrown and the nation thrown into chaos. An imposed national emergency could have occurred and the communal party would have gotten political mileage.

This was like holding the Parliamentary System hostage at gun point compelling the My Way Highway mentality. The government succumbed to their pressure and the opposition took advantage. It is a danger for the country if the democratic process can be manipulated by mobocracy. People being supreme above Parliament were a massive assault on democracy!

Third, it was an assault on Parliament:

Dalit columnist Chandrabhan Prasad said, “The Anna Hazare phenomenon is leading us to the rejection of representative democracy itself. The movement is an upper-caste uprising against India’s political democracy. That apart, vesting so much power in the Lokpal, a non-elected person, could lead to a dangerous situation.”

In a democratic nation, the elected representative members make the laws of the nation and the state. The upper caste community, whose population is much smaller compared to the Indian vote bank, are fearful that their chances of winning elections to State Assembly and Parliament are being diminished. If they are not elected then they do not become a member of the State Assembly or Parliament, which means that they will not be a part of the law making body. So they are desperate to impose a system that allows un-elected members to still be involved in the law making process. This is the attempt we have seen in Anna Hazare’s movement against corruption, while trying to pass the Jan Lokpal Bill.

If they had succeeded in bringing My Way Highway of their version of Jan Lokpal Bill, then tomorrow they would organize another mobocracy to bring a law against reservation, to rewrite the Indian Constitution, anti-conversion laws, and implement their version of electoral reform etc.

Fifth, Anna Hazare’s Civil Society was incomplete:

Are Team Anna and their Civil Society a complete representation of India? What about the half billion people who belong to Others Backward Classes (OBC), the 250 million Scheduled Caste/Tribes, and the 150 million minorities? All India Confederation of SC/ST Organisation had to launch a campaign against Anna Haraze’s incomplete civil society. Over 10,000 Dalits, OBC, and Minorities marched on at India Gate. The voice was heard by the Parliament, Standing Committee, and even Team Anna.

The Anna Hazare movement was manufactured by media particularly Television News channels. Parthasarathi Swami writes in Hindustan Times, “What is Anna Hazare? What is brand Hazare? He is a creation of the Facebook Generation… How much is brand Hazare worth? Believe it or not – nothing.”

The arrangement of Television News channel at Ram Lila ground and at India Gate rivaled any found at a Bollywood shooting or a cricket match. IT professionals belonging to upper caste and middle class were behind the stage monitoring the campaign through all forms of social network – Facebook, Twitter, Google and Blogs.

Abhishek Raghunath writes in Business, “SMS GupShup, a group messaging service, was responsible for sending several of these messages. GupShup groups like Anna, Jaibhim, newsb and Jago Haryana – each with more than 50,000 members – along with a bunch of smaller groups, sent out over 1 crore messes in a week.”

Madhu Chandra is a social activist and research scholar based at Kakching, Manipur. He works as Regional Secretary of All India Christian Council (www.indianchristians.in) and Spokesperson of North East Support Centre & Helpline (www.nehelpline.net).

Christian Council Met Former Manipur Chief Minister Rishang Keishing and Appealed NCM to Intervene

Dr. Joseph D’souza, President, All India Christian Council

Dr. John Dayal, Secretary General, All India Christian Council

For further detail, please contact Madhu Chandra +919716004939

New Delhi, April 1, 2012

The Regional Institute of Medical Sciences (RIMS), Imphal, Manipur summoned Church elders and ordered to remove two church constructions within 15 days. All India Christian Council took up the matter with one and only the standing member of first Lok Sabha and appealed to the National Commission for Minorities to protect the interest of Minority rights. Christian Council condemns the irresponsible decision of RIMS to vacate the sanctity of church buildings by force.

According to the request letter addressed to the President of All India Christian Council from Lamphel Baptist Church, Imphal, Manipur said, “the Office of the Deputy (Admin), RIMS summoned the elders of Lamphel Baptist Church and Rongmei Naga Baptist Church on March 29 and served 15 days notice to remove the church building otherwise the authority will destroy the church buildings by force.”

Dr. John Dayal – Member of National Integration Council and Secretary General of All India Christian Council and Rev. Madhu Chandra – Regional Secretary of All India Christian Council and Spokesperson of North East Support Centre & Helpline took up the matter with honourable Member of Parliament and Former Chief Minister of Manipur, Shri Rishang Keishing yesterday and conveyed the grievances faced by the members of two churches with RIMS campus. Shri Rishang Keishing has assured to take up the matter with Chief Minister of Manipur, Shri O. Ibobi Singh.

Dr. John Dayal has been closely following the matters related to minority rights and interest in the state of Manipur. He says, “The Christian members in the state of Manipur are increasing facing the threat from public as well as from the state Government. It is the duty of the elected government to protect and serve the interest of minorities in the state.”

Rev. Madhu Chandra says, “Lamphel Baptist Church and Rongmei Naga Baptist Church have been existed within the campus for last forty years. It has become sanctity of religious place. The authorities of RIMS, serving 15 days notice to remove otherwise to destroy forcefully is the irresponsible decision. The decision violates the fundamental rights of religious minorities and insults the religious sentimental.”

The All India Christian Council has taken up the matter with National Commission of Minorities and Manipur State Minority Commission so that the interest of Minorities must be protected.

All India Christian Council calls upon the Authority of RIMS to adopt the way PGI Chandigarh, (Post Graduate Institute of Medical Education and Research, Chandigarh), where the authority has setup the religious places – Temple for Hindus, Gurdwara for Sikhs, Mosque for Muslims and Church for Christians within the campus. This will help the people to live in peace, harmony and co-existence among all sections of societies, particularly for the state like Manipur where heterogeneous communities live together.

The Lamphel Baptist Church was established by the employees of the Regional Medical College, now Regional Institutes of Medical Sciences in 1973 for the purpose of prayer, worship and the members of the church belong to Meiteis, Nepalis, Tangkhul, Thadou, Kuki, Vaiphe, Mao, Rongmei, Inpui, Lianmei, Tarao, Anal, Monsang, Kom, Hmar, Chiru, Aimol, Lamkang, Mayon, Maring, and Paite. The 70% of the members of the church are the employees of RIMS. The space occupied by Lamphel Baptist church is just 100 x 70 feet.

Many churches among Meitei and Rongmei villages have been destroyed and Christians have been attacked in last 15 years in the state of Manipur. Two churches in Naga River, Imphal are currently served to vacate and churches in Lamphel housing colony threatened to vacate.

The All India Christian Council (www.christiancouncil.in), birthed in 1998, exists to protect and serve the Christian community, minorities, and the oppressed castes. The aicc is a coalition of thousands of Indian denominations, organizations, and lay leaders.

 Released by

Madhu Chandra

Regional Secretary

+919716004939

]]> http://madhuchandra.org/?feed=rss2&p=667 0 http://madhuchandra.org/?p=661 http://madhuchandra.org/?p=661#comments Sat, 10 Mar 2012 08:18:48 +0000 admin http://madhuchandra.org/?p=661 By Madhu Chandra

The National Innovation Foundation – India honoured Mr. Yengkhom Mangi Singh, a Dalit belong to Lois community of Kakching, Manipur, a 70 years old physically challenged, with the state award for his innovative in manufacturing Kouna Mat Weaving Machine at sixth National Grassroots Innovation Award ceremony and exhibition held at Rashtrapati Bhavan, New Delhi on March 9. Smt. Pratibha Patil, the President of India distributed to awards to 15 National and Life time achievers and inaugurated five days exhibition. Over hundred innovators from all over the country took part in the award distribution ceremony and displayed their innovative products in the exhibition. http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/article2979163.ece?homepage=true&css=print

President Pratibha Patil interacting with Yengkhom Mangi Singh of Manipur, innovator of Kakching Mat-Making Machine, during inauguration of Exhibition of Innovations at President House Complex in New Delhi on Friday.

                        What struck me the most about the grassroots level innovation is Mr. Mangi himself – physically challenged, 70% disability suffered from paraplegia at the age of 14, a husband of a mentally challenged wife, a father of three sons – two mentally challenged, yet a man who become one of hundreds and thousands of innovator that the nation has recognised.

Mr. Mangi received award of Rs. 50,000 from Nation Innovation Foundation – India honouring his lifetime achievement. He wants to invest this amount to develop into move advanced machine.

He used managed walking by limping though the help of a bamboo stick all these years, until he was gifted a wheel chair by Students from Kakching studying in Delhi when he attended a National Grassroots Innovation exhibition in New Delhi last year. He still faces the challenged as the wheel chair he has now depends on another person to push him around. He will perhaps become more independent on his innovative if he has one automatic wheel chair.

His achievement of innovation would have remained in a corner of his home without the initiative of Mr. Surjit Kshetriymayum, the secretary of Alliance for Development Alternatives- Manipur (ADAM), Kakching, Manipur.

Madhu Chandra, Spokesperson of North East Support Centre & Helpline and Regional Co-ordinator of GS/OM India Ministry for North East India branch, interviewed Mr. Mangi after he received State Award.

Madhu Chandra: What is Kakching Mat Weaving Machine?

Mangi: Kakching Mat Weaving Machine is made of wood, a kind of handloom to make Kouna and Chumthang Phak (Mat). Kouna or Chumthang Phak is a must-have household item in every Manipuri home. The Kouna and Chumthang phak is eco friendly production.

What is Kouna Mat?

Kouna (local name) is a class of water reed, a firm stemmed water or marsh plant grown perennially in the wetlands of the valley areas of the Manipur. Manipuri traditional mat is also made by another material known as Chumthang, which is also a classic reed grown in dry land. Kouna is soft, stems are bigger while Chumthang is harder and smaller stems.

How Did You Become Physically Challenged?

I suffered paraplegia at the age of 14, which has caused 70% disability of my body. I used to walk limping with a bamboo stick until last year I got wheel chair after attending the National Grassroots Innovative Exhibition in New Delhi. Now I am wheel chair, but I cannot function myself without another person helps me.

What is Your Family Looks Like?

I got married to Maipakpi Devi at the age of 30 as physically challenged man. Unfortunately my wife has become mentally challenged after we got married. I have three sons; one is married, living with his family. Two of my sons are also mentally challenged. They are living with me. It is a huge challenge for me to manage and maintain the need of my family as physically challenged person.

What Innovates You to Make Kouna Mat Weaving Machine?

From my childhood, I used to be interested in making any creativity items such as electrical work etc. I learned to repair radio, electric stabilisers, car battery chargers my own without any formal training. I used to earn my family livelihood from these works and it was not enough to run the cost of the family.

Twenty years ago, I realised that the Kouna Phak is the household items of Manipur, which are made by normal men. I had an innovative idea of making a wooden mat-weaving machine similar to handlooms, which are used by women in Manipur to weave clothes. I wanted to make such a mat-weaving machine that a disable person like me, can also used.

I could not sleep for three months when I was thinking of making the machine. I never gave up the idea and begun manufacturing in early 1992. Within a month I completed making one wooden Kouna Phak Weaving machine, it was one feet high, five feet length, and four feet breadth. I have been using it for last twenty years until I developed the advanced model recently.

What Advantages with Mat Weaving Machine Compare to Traditional one?

The traditional is suitable only for normal people, not for people like me. The traditional mat weaving machine, which is stretch on floor, limited with size, occupied more space, you need to bend you head down, which hurts your back, it was not possible for me. It takes minimum two weeks to make one mat with traditional model. Now with the mat weaving machine, which I have developed, can make two mats in a day.

What were the Challenges You Faced While Making Kouna Mat Weaving Machine?

My family was the biggest challenge in my life. My wife and my two sons were completely dependent on me. My eldest son got married and lives with his family separately. I did not have any single person to motivate, I was alone as a source of motivation for the innovating in making the mat weaving machine. In spite of constant demand to earn more money on regular basis to maintain my family needs, I never gave up my innovation to make Kouna mat weaving machine.

Why Does It Take So Long for People to Know about Your Innovative Machine?

 The machine I made twenty years ago was kept just in a corner of my house, which nobody knew except those who came to purchase the Kouna mat. It came to know to the public of Manipur when my machine was introduced to handicraft exhibition in Manipur through the help of Mr. Surjit Kshetrimayum, the secretary of Alliance for Development Alternatives – Manipur (ADAM) two year ago. Then it was also displayed at National Grassroots Innovation Exhibition organised by National Innovation Foundation – India at New Delhi, the month of March 2010, where the President of India witnessed for the first time.

What Is Your Vision?

I have three visions: One is to develop more advanced machine, so that the weaving can be faster and produce more products. I have some innovative idea for developing them. I hope in next few months, I will be able to develop it.

Secondly, I want to manufacture more this machine, so that it can be sold at reasonable price for traditional mat weavers. This will help them to make more mats with less effort and faster.

Thirdly, the Mat Weaving Machine can be further developed to weave carpets and other weaving items.

Who Much the Machine Cost?

The present model is sold at Rs 15,000 each. This machine can produced two Kouna mats and one Chumthang mat in a day. One Kouna mat cost Rs 350 and Chumthang Rs 600. This is suitable for semi skill and home based business.

What is Your Biggest Need?

I am in need of an automatic battery run wheel chair so that my movement can be operated myself. This will enable me to move around without help of another person so that my innovative could be passed on to others.

What Message Do You Want to Give to the People of Manipur?

Your innovative idea does not limit by whatever, whoever and wherever you are. Never give you what ignites you. Manipur needs people who are innovative, particularly for the purpose of self employment, where the lack of employment under Government schemes.

Whether the concept “spiritual democracy” is tenable and has the potential to reform the spiritual systems that are locked up in caste cultures is being debated in certain intellectual circles in India of late. In my view this debate has global implications as well.

The concept of democracy came into play with the notion that power relations cannot be stagnant and hereditary. Though the concept of republic has its roots in the tribal socio-spiritual and political set-up, it had something to do with the notion of creating collective consent around the hereditary spiritual, social and political power of tribal heads. Democracy and republicanism, though, are interrelated: one relates to the question of power rotations and the other basically relates to the process of electing the power wielder.

Once the spiritual system transformed from the totemic worship stage and moved on to become a largely organised priesthood in the spiritual realm and monarchy in the political realm, what laid the foundation for authoritarianism in the entire socio-spiritual and political domain was spiritual dynasticism, casteism and authoritarianism. The masses, for the most part of human history, feared spiritual authority more than political authority. Spiritual authority always invoked the power of a supernatural entity in one form or the other. It is that which made people unnaturally obedient.

For a long time in the history of human power relations, spiritual power controlled political power and social power. The debate on the centralised, hegemonic Roman Catholic papacy is all too well known. The stranglehold of that most powerful papacy was shattered by Martin Luther King’s spiritual reformation revolt. Earlier, Machiavelli’s secular-theoretical revolt and Henry VIII’s rebellion had led to separation of the Church of England from the Roman Catholic Church.
Buddhist spiritual thought held sway from the days of King Ashoka to Pusyamitra Sunga’s (the first Brahmin ruler, 185-151 BCE) violent overthrow of the Buddhist Mauryan dynasty. The real Kautilyan state, with Manu dharma as its legal code, came into existence during Pusyamitra Sunga’s regime.

In this period, the Vedic spiritual agency was kept above the king. As Kautilya himself suggested, in every Hindu (at that time, Brahminic) state, the priest should be above the king. Neither Indian Buddhism nor Hinduism could produce a secular revolutionary of the stature of Machiavelli or Henry VIII in the political realm at any time.

In the pre-Christian era, one could notice a major difference between the European and Indian processes of power relations. In the Greco-Roman systems there does not appear to be any firmly established spiritual power structure and hence the state operated on its own. But in India, since the days of Vedic authority, spiritual authoritarianism established a very hegemonic control over the political authority. Buddhism tried to weaken the Vedic hegemony, leading to constant conflicts between Vedism and Buddhism. But that conflict never unsettled the caste hierarchy.

After 900 years of Muslim and British rule, a modern Indian, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, became the first ruler playing a very modern Machiavellian role and created an Indian secular state within the Hindu spiritual system. This was done in many nuanced ways, and that is what has moulded Indian democracy into a semi-secular system.

In the Islamic world also, the spiritual power controlled the political power, and that continues even now. Hence, separation of the mosque from the state through the subordination of religious power to state power remains an unresolved problem. All the Muslim nations that encountered the Arab Spring are in a philosophical crisis of separating spiritual power and political power. It’s difficult to say what kind of secularism will come into operation in these nations.

The modern Buddhist world — of course, India now is outside of it — hangs between Marxist democracies (China, Vietnam and North Korea) and monarchical democracies (Japan and South Korea). The state in those countries controls religion more than in any other political system.

Political systems where the spiritual system faced ideological upheavals transformed along with the spiritual system. Christian spiritual societies in the West have shown this inter-relationship, where spiritual reformation and political revolutions went hand in hand. The Islamic world is now undergoing spiritual and political transformation. In India, now that democracy combines in itself the power shift from colonial authority to the common citizen, that too through elections, the spiritual system will have to transform in a commensurate manner.

The Brahminic intelligentsia is facing that challenge seriously. Hindu religion and Catholic Christianity in India have not yet become individually mobile or caste-wise transformative. If the Hindu spiritual hierarchy is in the firm grip of Brahmins, the Catholic hierarchy is in the grip of Brahmin-Sudra upper castes. While the Hindu temple system is under the government endowments department, the Catholic diocese are run by autonomous bodies.

The only way to democratise caste-controlled spiritual institutions is to introduce reservations into these structures to break the monopoly of castes, and train spiritual personnel through an open, transparent admission into theological schools and colleges. One definite condition that should be followed when one seeks admission into such schools is that candidates should belong to that religion. In this case religion should be treated like nationality.

History shows us that unless religion gets de-casteised, the caste system does not go. Western Christianity got democratised by creating structures of mobility of classes within the spiritual system. It helped, of course, that there was no caste system. But in India, caste and class are so intertwined that we need to strike at the base of caste immobility.

The introduction of measures for mobility of caste in political, educational and employment spheres is not changing the social value of caste because its spiritual value has not been changed. Even in Indian Islam there is influence of caste culture. Christianity and Indian Buddhism (the Navayana Buddhism is essentially Dalit Buddhism now) also suffer from it though this is not as visible as it is in Hinduism. Such mobility of castes and individuals within the spiritual system, in my view, is part of spiritual democracy.

Spiritual democracy would change the basic relation between God on the one head and caste and individual on the other. It would address frozen modes of dress codes, food culture and man-woman relations. It would address, more fundamentally, the notions of purity and pollution. The role of the Indian democratic state in this sphere is critical.

One significant thing that happened during colonial and post-colonial political reform was that religion was institutionally subordinated to the state. This is a great change that took place in India. The credit for putting that course firmly on track goes to B.R. Ambedkar and Nehru. But from here on, we need to push democratic mobility into institutionalised spiritual structures. This is not an impossible task.

The writer is director, Centre for the Study of Social Exclusion and Inclusive Policy, Maulana Azad National Urdu University, Hyderabad

By Madhu Chandra

All sections of Indian society have suffered from corruption and all must fight against it. Everybody has a right to protest against corruption in a democratic manner. Civil society’s fight has a big role in bringing policies, laws, and plans of action against corruption. Having said this, there remains many unanswered questions related to the whole issue of corruption among them is the version of Anna Hazare’s civil society and the rise of the anti-corruption movement.

Is monetary corruption the only challenge in India which Team Anna is concerned about? What about socio-religious corruption of caste? What about ensuring affirmative action for marginalised people in corporate establishments? What about the failure of the state to fight communalism against minorities, marginalised people, and the rise of fascism? These are questions left by Team Anna while fighting against corruption. They are interlinked with corruption in general.

Anna Hazare’s Anti-Corruption Movement Harms Itself!

A nation can be fooled some times but not always. Throughout India’s history this has periodically occurred and now includes Anna Hazare’s movement against corruption. The Sangh Parivar’s propaganda against conversion actually fooled the nation that every Christian was involved in fraud and forced conversions. The propaganda was carried out on Television channels, print, and electronic media and the nation believed it.

Kandhamal is proof of this. The media twisted the stories from ground reporting for one month until they actually saw the  propaganda of ethnic cleansing.  The nation woke up from being fooled and saw the genocide of Sangh Parivar to wipe out Christian communities from the region. The campaign against terrorism fooled the nation into believing that all Muslims were terrorists. Every bomb blast in India was immediately attributed to Muslim communities, but the nation woke up when saffron  robed terrorists were also found involved in many blasts.

And it is exactly an attempt to fool the nation again with Anna Hazare’s movement against corruption.  It succeeded until the first two phases in April and August 2011. The nation woke up at his third attempt in Mumbai. What was done by the anti-corruption movement hidden under Anna Hazare’s shadow is of greater danger for the nation than the corruption itself! Why is this so?

First, it was the invisible forces:

According to Arundhati Roy, it was a force of (a) Vande Mataram (b) Bharat Mata ki Jai (c) India is Anna, Anna is India (d) Jai Hind.[1] The background of Vande Mataram written by Bankim Chandra Chattopadyay in his book Anandamath has deep connection with Anti-Muslim message. The controversy becomes more complex in the light of Rabindranath Tagore’s rejection of the song as one that would unite all communities in India. Tagore wrote:

The core of Vande Mataram is a hymn to the goddess Durga: this is so plain that there can be no debate about it. Of course Bankimchandra does show Durga to be inseparably united with Bengal in the end, but no Mussulman [Muslim] can be expected patriotically to worship the ten-handed deity as ‘Swadesh’ [the nation]. This year many of the special [Durga] Puja numbers of our magazines have quoted verses from Vande Mataram—proof that the editors take the song to be a hymn to Durga. The novel Anandamath is a work of literature, and so the song is appropriate in it. But Parliament is a place of union for all religious groups, and there the song cannot be appropriate. When Bengali Mussulmans show signs of stubborn fanaticism, we regard these as intolerable. When we too copy them and make unreasonable demands, it will be self-defeating.[2]

Similarly, the concept of Bharat Mata predates the partition of India. She is intended to represent “Aryavarta”, the motherland of Hinduism in Hindu nationalism, not merely restricted to the secular Republic of India. Bharat Mata remains a symbol of the “vision of a unified motherland” in Hindu nationalist thought.

If one looks at these invisible forces, one will find different forms they have incarnated into in last two decades. There seems to be no connection with any corruption movement in these periods. They had Anti-Reservationists during the Anti-Mandal I in 1990, when the Mandal Commission recommendations were introduced to be implemented.

One incarnation was the Youth For Equality movement during Anti-Mandal II opposing UPA government’s 27% OBC reservation in higher technical institutions in 2006. Interestingly both Anti-Reservationists and Youth For Equality were orchestrated by the All India Institute of Medical Science in New Delhi.

Another incarnation was the  India Against Corruption movement during Anna Lila at Ram Lila ground. What form of incarnation will appear next, nobody knows and only time will tell. But the reality is that every movement they come up with becomes stronger and imperils the nation.

Second, it was an attempt to assault Indian Democracy:

M. K. Gandhi was assassinated by a gun but Anna Hazare, who has been acclaimed by some as the second Gandhi, was almost killed by hunger at Ram Lila ground. What would have had happened for the nation, if he had died at Ram Lila? The parliament perhaps would have been overthrown and the nation thrown into chaos. An imposed national emergency could have occurred and the communal party would have gotten political mileage.

This was like holding the Parliamentary System hostage at gun point compelling the My Way Highway mentality. The government succumbed to their pressure and the opposition took advantage. It is a danger for the country if the democratic process can be manipulated by mobocracy. People being supreme above Parliament was a massive assault on democracy!

Third, it was an assault on Parliament:

Dalit columnist Chandrabhan Prasad said, “The Anna Hazare phenomenon is leading us to the rejection of representative democracy itself. The movement is an upper-caste uprising against India’s political democracy. That apart, vesting so much power in the Lokpal, a non-elected person, could lead to a dangerous situation.”[3]

In a democratic nation, the elected representative members make the laws of the nation and the state. The upper caste community, whose population is much smaller compared to the Indian vote bank, are fearful that their chances of winning elections to State Assembly and Parliament are being diminished. If they are not elected then they do not become a member of the State Assembly or Parliament, which means that they will not be a part of the law making body. So they are desperate to impose a system that allows un-elected members to still be involved in the law making process. This is the attempt we have seen in Anna Hazare’s movement against corruption, while trying to pass the Jan Lokpal Bill.

If they had succeeded in bringing My Way Highway of their version of Jan Lokpal Bill, then tomorrow they would organize another mobocracy to bring a law against reservation, to rewrite the Indian Constitution, anti-conversion laws, and implement their version of electoral reform etc.

Fifth, Anna Hazare’s Civil Society was incomplete:

Are Team Anna and their Civil Society a complete representation of India? What about the half billion people who belong to Others Backward Classes (OBC), the 250 million Scheduled Caste/Tribes, and the 150 million minorities? All India Confederation of SC/ST Organisation had to launch a campaign against Anna Haraze’s incomplete civil society. Over 10,000 Dalits, OBC, and Minorities marched on at India Gate. The voice was heard by the Parliament, Standing Committee, and even Team Anna.

The Anna Hazare movement was manufactured by media particularly Television News channels. Parthasarathi Swami writes in Hindustan Times, “What is Anna Hazare? What is brand Hazare? He is a creation of the Facebook Generation… How much is brand Hazare worth? Believe it or not – nothing.” [4]

The arrangement of Television News channel at Ram Lila ground and at India Gate rivaled any found at a Bollywood shooting or a cricket match. IT professionals belonging to upper caste and middle class were behind the stage monitoring the campaign through all forms of social network – Facebook, Twitter, Google and Blogs.

Abhishek Raghunath writes in Business, “SMS GupShup, a group messaging service, was responsible for sending several of these messages. GupShup groups like Anna, Jaibhim, newsb and Jago Haryana – each with more than 50,000 members – along with a bunch of smaller groups, sent out over 1 crore messes in a week.”[5]

Beyond Monetary Corruption!

Corruption might be defined differently in different cultures, contexts, nations, and regions, but it is a much deeper issue for India. Monetary corruption is huge in India but it does not end there. One must look at corruption from an inclusive perspective to understand its complexities. Anoop Kheri the coordinator of Insight Foundation says, “For us casteism is corruption, caste-discrimination is corruption, not filling up reserved seats as per constitutional forms is also corruption.”

The Socio-Religious Corruption is more Dangerous than Monetary Corruption:

India’s 3000 years old caste system is socio-religious corruption within the society sanctioned by Hinduism under Brahminical domination. It is more dangerous than monetary corruption. Anoop Kheri the coordinator of Insight Foundation says, “For us casteism is corruption, caste-discrimination is corruption, not filling up reserved seats as per constitutional forms is also corruption.”[6] Mahatma Gandhi failed to abolish it and so it is with all Gandhians. Anna Hazare seems concerned more about monetary corruption than socio-religious corruption of caste, which has become a  cancer among Indian society. It is a million dollar question, Why does Anna Hazare remain a silent spectator on caste and its socio-religious corrupt phenomena within the society for which he claims to be a messiah?

Many boil with anger when they hear about the man-made tool “Caste” to oppress other human beings. This has been manufactured, nurtured, and utilised by Brahmins for centuries. But one will only see caste as a symptom of social cancer until its roots are fully understood.  Manu Smriti, the Law of Manu, is the very foundation of caste system. Fighting caste without understanding Manu Smriti is like attempting to destroy a spider net without killing the spider itself. Unless the spider (the root) is destroyed the spider net will continue to appear again and again.

Spiritual Fascism is Socio-Religious Corruption:

First, Hinduism based on Brahmanism and Manu Smriti is a spiritual fascist religion. The doctrinal foundation of Brahmanism is spiritual fascism. The Manu Smriti says, “A Brahmana, coming into existence, is born as the highest on earth, the lord of all created beings, for the protection of the treasury of the law.  Whatever exists in the world is, the property of the Brahmana; on account of the excellence of his origin The Brahmana is, indeed, entitled to all.” (Ch 1:99-100). Who is this Brahmana?

A mere human being declaring himself to be God, is a form of spiritual fascism. We see what happened with Lucifer, who claimed to be equal with God. Kancha Ilaiah says, “The Brahmans seem to have derived the word ‘Brahman’ from the name of their god Brahman. The idea that Brahmans are superior beings was constructed by the Brahman classes themselves without deriving any divine essence from their God.”[7]

Second, Unequal at birth, life, and death prescribed by Manu is spiritual fascism. Manu created human beings into four categories, “But for the sake of the prosperity of the worlds he caused the Brahmana, the Kshatriya, the Vaisya, and the Sudra to proceed from his mouth, his arms, his thighs, and his feet.” (Ch 1:31) The Dalits, the oppressed, and outcaste are not included, which means they are not part of God’s body and treated like sub-human beings. These four castes are further divided with designated professional assignments, “Let (the first part of) a Brahmana’s name (denote something) auspicious, a Kshatriya’s be connected with power, and a Vaisya’s with wealth, but a Sudra’s (express something) contemptible.” (Ch 2:31)

This system cunningly coined and spiritually sanctioned the domination of one section of society over others.  It was envisioned long before the history. Kancha Ilaiah puts, “The Brahmans, on the contrary, performed this exalted mode of self-constructed to exclude others from the realm of God for the longest time in human history. This strategy was part of their historical cunningness. In this process, they worked out the meaning of the word ‘Brahman’ to keep themselves about history, which, for them, is an instrument of magical games.”[8]

Third, it is spiritual fascism  that Brahmins do not give their gods to others.  They manufactured new gods for different people. Brahmans do not give their gods to non-Aryan converts. They manufacture local contextualised gods and it continues till today.

To support this argument, I refer to Meiteis of Manipur a converted Vishnuvite Hindu, Harijans of sweeper caste communities and Chammars. A fix of “Singh” after every Meitei name is the living example of how a lion god “Nara-Singh Thakhur” was made god for converted Meitei Vishnuvite Hindus. Balmiki communities wonder how the pen at hand became brooms. Balmiki a Dalit convert, who authored Ramayana, was made a god for his communities. A defiled and unclean god “Sani Dev” was made god for Chammars who is worshipped on Saturdays.

Fourth, it is spiritual fascism because all caste based atrocities are religious suctioned crimes. Caste is a Brahmin sanctioned social evil system. The caste based atrocities are Brahmin sanctioned crimes. They are never a crime in the eyes of Manu Smriti. The lynching of five Dalits at Jhajjar in 2002, the burning down of 50 Dalit home in Gohana in 2006, the burning of a Dalit father and daughter alive in 2010 in Mirchapur and throwing a six year old Dalit girl – Kamlesh into a burning fire were never crimes in their eyes. These crimes are sanctioned in Manu Smriti and those who commit these crimes are fulfilling their religious duties. Few selected slogs from Manipur Smriti where these crimes are religiously sanctioned.

The wealth of the sudra could be forcibly plundered. No consent is needed. There need not be any hesitation. (Ch11:13), If a sudra talks ill of a Brahmin his tongue should be cut off. (Ch8:270), If a sudra pronounces the name of a Brahmin or talks of his caste or accuses him, an iron rod ten inches long should be heated red-hot and thrust into the mouth of the sudra. (Ch8:271), If the sudra dictates the Brahmin to do a particular thing, boiled oil should be poured into the mouth and ears of the sudra. (Ch8:272), If the sudra hits at Brahmin’s hair beard, legs, neck, penis, his hands must be cut off. (Ch8:283) If the sudra sits in a seat along with a Brahmin, his hips should be scorched or he should be driven away from the town. (Ch8:281), If the sudra takes away anything belonging to the Brahmin he should be tortured and killed. (Ch9:248), If a non-Brahmin enjoys with a Brahmin wife, he should be punished till he breathes his last. (Ch8:359), If a sudra enjoys a Brahmin girl without protection, his male organ must be cut off. If he enjoys a Brahmin girl in a family, his body must be cut to pieces and his property should be confiscated. (Ch8:374)

Ambedkar’s Prediction on Three Enemies:

Prof. Sukhadeo Thorat has highlighted B. R. Ambedkar’s prediction of the possible three dangers in his article. “In his last, visionary speech after the submission of the drafted Constitution on November 25, 1949, Dr. Ambedkar warned of three possible dangers to the new-born democracy. These related to social and economic inequalities, the use of unconstitutional methods and hero-worship.”[9]

Social and economic inequalities among Indian societies remained unchanged since its independence however, the reservation has done well up to a certain level dealing with the issues of social injustice and inequality. Once the affirmative action plan through the reservation system is removed, the marginalised sections of the societies will be pushed to the place where they were before.

The forces of Anti-Reservation seen during Mandal I, Mandal II, and the Anna Hazare movement (Mandal III) are the same forces that backup upper caste, corporate, and Indian media. The judicial system is already against the reservation, when the reservation is restricted up to 50%. The court will move against any state or government that violates its limit.

Social inequality might lead to the eruption of civil war within Indian society. Kancha Ilaiah predicts this very thing. “In India, the upper castes have always been a social force and the Dalit-Bahujans have been always mere social beings. A civil war situation has existed in India on an everyday basis, for a long time now.”[10]

There is no need to mention the dangers involved in using unconstitutional methods. We have seen it first hand in the three anti-Mandal movements. Laws being past in Parliament and state assemblies that violate the fundamental rights provided in  the Indian Constitution are dangerous and of great concern.

Denial of Scheduled Caste on the basis of religion in Article 341 Para 3 is a constitutional corruption. First, to the Dalits converted to Sikhs in 1956, the Buddhist in 1990, and to Christians and Muslims today without any remedies. State Assemblies have passed anti-conversion laws in eight states so far and are likely do so in more states. It may even cover one for the whole nation and is a matter of concern.

What is the Indian Churches’ Response to Corruption and These Forces?

How do we respond to the charges of corruption, which is much deeper and wider than just monetary? Forces who claim to be  the Messiah of corruption are dangerous themselves for the nation, particularly the marginalised SC/ST, OBC, and minorities because they have hidden agendas which are different from corruption. As we discuss our response to corruption and these forces, I would like you to ponder the following:

First, what can we learn from Donald McGavran’s prophetic word on the people movement in Punjab in 1800s, where hundreds and thousands of Dalit wanted to embrace Christianity to get rid of casteism. Many went to other religions when the church was not ready to accept them. This is what he said while writing his forward note to Frederick and Margaret Stock’s book People Movement in the Punjab. “Church and mission failed to respond to the Chuhra people movement, the movement will repeat again and if church fails to respond, the church will miss this people forever.”

Second, Dalit thinker, writer, and editor of The Dalit Voice, V. T. Rajsekhar wrote what could be deemed a prophetic article as well.  Hundreds and thousands of Dalits wanted to leave Hinduism and embraced Christianity in 2001. He says, “If the Indian church fails to respond to the quest of Indian Dalits, the church will be persecuted at the hands of Dalits and tribals, not by Brahmins and Sangh Parivar.”

Third, but not the least is the very “Idea of India” invented by M. K. Gandhi, explored by Jawaharlal Nehru, and redefined by B. R. Ambedkar. This idea was influenced by the Indian Church during the time of Bishop Picket, C F Andrew, and others. As a result we have an India as a secular democracy, which gives the freedom of speech, faith, and propagation etc. Now this very “Idea of India” is under threat from fascist forces and the Indian church will have a bigger responsibility to defend as much as we had when it was being created.

(Madhu Chandra is a research schola, ordained minister and social activist based in New Delhi. He works as Regional Secretary of All India Christian Council, Spokes Person of North East Support Centre & Helpline and National Secretary of All India Confederation of SC/ST Organisations)

http://india.blogs.nytimes.com/2012/01/17/hasina-kharbhih-raising-the-stakes-against-child-trafficking/

Hasina Kharbhih, 40, has spent the better part of her life working for human rights. She started a nonprofit, Impulse, and developed a comprehensive strategy to prevent child trafficking called the Meghalaya Model, which is being applied in eight Indian states. The activist, who is based in Shillong in the northeastern state of Meghalaya, was in Delhi earlier this month to receive a North East Excellence Award from the Indian Chamber of Commerce. The award honored her service in the field of human rights and trafficking, HIV and AIDS intervention, and for providing livelihood support for individuals in the rural areas of the northeast.

Courtesy Hasina KharbhihHasina Kharbhih, founder, Impulse

Q. Could you tell me a bit about your nonprofit and what it does?

A. Impulse works toward ensuring equal human rights are provided for all particularly women and children. The mission is twofold: to provide direct provisions for those in need of care, protection, and empowerment, and to create networks with the community, other nonprofits and government bodies to ensure that a rights-based approach is used by all. Impulse is committed to the goal of enabling individuals to live a life of dignity and respect. For the past 11 years, we have been working to combat human trafficking and cross-border trafficking in the northeast of India.

Q. Why is child trafficking such a pervasive problem in the northeast?

A. Northeast India shares international borders with China, Bangladesh, Burma, Nepal, Bhutan. It is a source, transit and a destination point. Destination in the context of the children working in the coal mines as slave labor with low wages. The demand for young girls from the region for job opportunities within India and Southeast Asia by unauthorized recruiting agencies makes the girls more vulnerable to human trafficking. These girls are generally coerced into commercial sex trade.

Q. How did you get into this field?

A. I started as an active volunteer of Leadership Training Services at St. Joseph’s School, Shillong. As a volunteer, I was involved in a lot of social work and that got me experienced, which was a first step to what I am doing today.

Q. Your Meghalaya Model is approved by the Indian government and supported by the United Nations Office on Drug and Crime and UN Women. Could you tell me what the Meghalaya Model is and how you went about developing it?

A. The Meghalaya Model is a comprehensive, holistic approach to address child trafficking and it works within the five P’s (Prevention, Protection, Policing, Press and Prosecution) and the three R’s (Rescue, Rehabilitation and Repatriation). It is a model that brings together various stakeholders such as the law enforcement, social welfare, labor department, education, civil society, media and judiciary. They pull in their resources in addressing the issue in the absence of funding. The Meghalaya Model has been replicated in the eight states of the northeast. I also received an Ashoka Fellowship for this idea that helped me to scale it up.

Q. How have you managed to bring various government agencies to work together to combat this problem?

A. The model itself focuses on the involvement and coordination of various government agencies to collectively respond with available resources. A crime issue cannot be addressed just by a civil society organization. It requires government intervention simultaneously.

Q. What inspired you to be committed to this field?

A. My inspiration comes from what I do every day, the changes I have been able to bring and the ground experiences. The steps I have taken that have brought about changes makes me believe that change can happen. It inspires me to do more.

A. What is the biggest challenge you face?

A. The biggest challenge as a human rights defender is working on crime issues. It’s an ongoing process. I’ve faced threats, attacks myself while addressing the issue of human trafficking, especially when bringing the traffickers behind bars.

Q. What, according to you, is your biggest accomplishment? What are you most proud of?

A. My biggest accomplishment, so far, is to see the replication of the Meghalaya Model in the eight northeastern states within the span of 10 years. I am proud to see it happening in my lifetime of work. The other is the implementation of the handbook for law enforcement in all the police training schools of the eight (northeastern) states. Other police academies in the country are also approaching us.

Q. What are your goals going forward?

A. My goal going forward is long-term prevention activities to address human trafficking by providing livelihood initiatives through Impulse Social Enterprises. It’s a social mission-driven company comprising various brands, products, and services that uplift communities and advance the mission for equitable human rights.

Q. If there are readers interested in volunteering or working to combat human trafficking, how would you suggest they go about doing so?

A. If readers are interested to volunteer with Impulse they can visit our Web site, go to the section ‘get involved’ and browse the handbook for volunteers and send an online application.

By Madhu Chandra

Joseph, the 11^th son of Jacob and first son of his mother Rachael, was a victim of ancient human trafficking. He also became head of the 11^th tribe of Israel and a unique part of Israel’s history. Joseph was abducted, trafficked for domestic work, brutalized, sold and resold to bounded labor, a victim of attempted rape repeatedly by a woman, abused, imprisoned, and ignored, yet became a man who brought a food security bill for the whole Egyptian nation and made the nation a super economic power during years of severe famine.

The narration of Joseph found in the Bible is often thought of as a Biblical story and not connected with the contemporary issues facing us around the world today. Reviewing Joseph’s narrative, not from a theological and evangelical perspective, will throw light on the challenges of modern slavery systems and human trafficking. Perhaps, it will be helpful for those who are struggling to accept the challenges of human trafficking from Christian or Biblical perspectives.

His stepbrothers misled Joseph, which is similar to many cases in current human trafficking. People familiar with the victims mislead them with false promises of giving jobs and free education etc. Joseph, being thrown into a cistern by his stepbrothers, indicates the confinement that victims experience in most human trafficking cases.

His stepbrothers sold him to Midianite merchants for twenty shekels of silver. Twenty shekels of silver is equivalent to eight ounces of silver. Today, twenty shekels is approximately equal to $143. Perhaps, this was the first recorded instance of selling human beings for money. The Midianite merchants resold Joseph to Potiphar, an official of Pharoh. He became the captain of the guard as a slave.  His sole purpose was domestic work as a bounded laborer. He was faithful to the service of his master, found favor in the eyes of Potiphar, and was thus given charge of his household.

Like many domestic female servants, Joseph was sexually abused. His master’s wife attempted to rape him repeatedly day after day. Because of his commitment to his master and fear of God, he overcame these rape attempts. When Potipar’s wife saw that she could not succeed, he was charged with an allegation of sexual abuse, which landed him in prison for years.

In prison he met two government officials of Pharaoh, a cupbearer and a baker, who were facing serious allegations against them.  They were depressed due to these allegations, lost jobs, and justice denied. Joseph the interpreter of dreams at his father’s house, in the prison, and Pharaoh’s court, consoled the cupbearer and convinced the baker by interpreting the dreams that they each had. The baker was executed for the crimes he committed as Joseph foretold, and the cupbearer was reinstated into Pharoh’s court. Interestingly, the cupbearer forgot the consolation received from Joseph for two years until someone was needed to interpret Pharaoh’s dreams, and Joseph was summoned.

Finally, Joseph was rescued from bounded labor when he was able to interpret Pharaoh’s dreams of seven years great abundance and seven years severe famine. Joseph found favor in the eyes of Pharaoh and was appointed as governor of Egypt.

Joseph, the dreamer, made a food security bill for Egypt and the surrounding tribal nations after he was rescued from human trafficking. A bill of agriculture was issued for a tax in order to prepare and store food grain from all over the land of Egypt during the abundant seven years so that the nation would not fall to ruin during the seven years famine. Joseph stored up quantities of grain, like the sand of the sea. It was so much, that he stopped keeping records.

Indian government managed to introduce a must awaited Food Security Bill 2011 on December 22 and it needs to go through both upper and lower houses before it becomes a law for the nation to secure food for over one billion people in India. Joseph knew the importance of the bill in order to save lives of many under his care.

Then the seven years famine began and spread all over the land of Egypt and surrounding nations. No food stores were left in the region accept in Egypt, and people from all over the region came to Egypt to buy food including his stepbrothers and his father Jacob. Egypt became a super economic power due to these great reserves of grain.

Joseph’s story is not just a Biblical narrative.  It gives us insight into the human condition. In this narrative it is the issue of selling human beings for money and subsequent slavery. The world has declared that human trafficking is the largest crime next to armed drug trafficking.  The story of Joseph will help people to understand the grave concerns involved with the victims of human trafficking.  It can also serve to encourage the anti-trafficking initiatives.

For Joseph, it was God who helped him throughout, from the cistern, to being sold to the Midianite merchants, to slavery in Potiphar’s house, to enduring sexual abuse by family members, to being falsely accused and imprisoned. For Joseph, it was God’s intension that he testifies to his brothers when they asked for his forgiveness.

But for modern man, hundreds of thousand who are trafficked into forced sexual bondage, bounded labor, domestic work, and mafia thugs, who will be their voices and who care to redeem them?  Who is there to restore hope to their lives?

Seema (name changed) a 13 years old girl, now 15, is a victim of Orissa’s Kandhmal communal violence, which took place in 2008-09. Hundreds of home, churches, and lives were destroyed. Thousands were rendered homeless and displaced. Seema’s parents were displaced, and her village and home destroyed. A known villager with false promises of work deceived her and her 19-year-old sister, along with two other girls.  They were sold and brought to a placement agency in Delhi in early 2010.

They were sexually abused and raped repeatedly for five days by different people in the placement agency before they were sent to work as domestic workers in different homes. They worked without pay or proper food, and were abused by family members.

An anti human trafficking team rescued them after 9 months when the matter was reported to the All India Christian Council. Three of them were rescued from Delhi and a neighboring state. Seema’s sister is still untraceable even after the Delhi High Court ordered the Delhi police to find her. Two of Seema’s friends have been restored to their families in Orissa after they were rescued.  Seema continues rebuilding her life under the care of the All India Christian Council’s shelter home in Delhi.

Seema’s future is finally being restored after she has been given coaching class to read and write in English and half way through a beautician vocational training. Once she completes her course, will able to get a livelihood for herself and her poor parents living in an isolated village in a think forest in Orissa.

Indian Dalit and tribal women and children are vulnerable to human trafficking. North Eastern communities are in great danger at the hands of human traffickers. The issue remained unchallenged with the current socio-economic, educational, and employment crisis in the North East India region. More challenge will face in the region, when the International Highways are soon opened as per as Indian government’s “LOOK EAST” policy with ASEAN countries, where the region could become a hub for entry and exit of human trafficking.

With care and concern, many victims of human trafficking, like Seema, can find hope and a future like Joseph, who became a man rescued, made a food security bill for the nation and helped to make Egypt a super economic power.

Madhu Chandra is a social activist and research scholar based in New Delhi. He works as Regional Secretary of All India Christian Council (www.indianchristians.in) and Spokesperson of North East Support Centre & Helpline (www.nehelpline.net).

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

A National People’s Tribunal (NPT) on Kandhamal was held in New Delhi on 22-24 August 2010, organized by the National Solidarity Forum – a countrywide solidarity platform of concerned persons from various walks of life. The NPT aimed at assisting the victims and survivors of the Kandhamal violence 2008 to seek justice, accountability and peace and to restore the victim-survivors’ right to a dignified life.   The twelve-member jury of the NPT was headed by Justice A.P. Shah (retd.). The Tribunal’s final report was released in Bhubaneswar on 2^nd December 2011.  The report is based on the testimonies of 45 victims, survivors and their representatives. Additionally, it incorporates and draws upon the contents of studies, field surveys, research, fact-finding reports and statements to the Tribunal that were presented by 15 experts. 

The 197-paged report is divided into four parts.  The first part provides the background and context of the violence in Kandhamal in 2008, and highlights the fundamental aspects of the violence.  The second part focuses on the impact of the violence.  In separate chapters, this part examines aspects such as freedom of religion, the gendered impact of the violence, impact on children, and the impact on socio-economic and cultural rights. The third part compiles and analyzes the responses to the violence.  It encompasses role of the state and democratic institutions, processes of justice and accountability and the aspect of reparations.  The fourth and concluding part of the report lays down the concluding observations and the recommendations of the jury.  Annexures to the report include details of victim-survivors who deposed before the Tribunal, details of reports / statements presented to the Tribunal and details of members of the Organizing Committee for the Tribunal. 

MAJOR OBSERVATIONS:

• Communal Violence in Orissa: The targeted violence against the adivasi and dalit Christian community in Orissa violates the fundamental right to life, liberty and equality guaranteed by the Indian Constitution, and affirmed by the ICCPR, ICESCR, CERD and other international covenants. The brutality of the violence also falls within the definition of ‘torture’ under international law, particularly the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court.  Communal forces have used religious conversions as an issue for political mobilisation and incited horrific forms of violence and discrimination against adivasi and dalit Christians. 
• Violence in Kandhamal: The 2008 attacks in Kandhamal were widespread, and were executed with substantial planning and preparation.  The violence meets all the elements of ‘crimes against humanity’ as defined in applicable international law. Christians who refused to abandon their faith and convert to Hinduism were brutally killed or injured. Burning and destruction of property (residential, official and religious / charitable institutions) was also a predominant form of violence. Human rights defenders have been deliberately targeted for their role in assisting victim-survivors. Moveable property, valuable documents and certificates were looted / destroyed to economically impoverish and lower the socio-economic status of the victim-survivors.  Evidence of the attacks was systematically and meticulously destroyed in order to scuttle the processes of justice and accountability.

• Gendered Impact: The jury observes, with deep concern, the silence that prevails in matters of sexual assault, at various levels including documenting, reporting, investigating, charging and prosecuting cases.  The threats of sexual violence against women and their daughters continue, heightening women’s sense of vulnerability.  The attacks on women violate constitutional guarantees of equality and non-discrimination on the ground of sex, and other international standards, including the CEDAW.  The relief measures undertaken by the government have been marked by gender blindness and did not address women’s special needs for privacy, nutrition, medical and psychological support. There is no implementation of government schemes by which widows, single women and women survivors of violence can be restored to a life with dignity.

• Impact on Children: The impoverishment of the victim-survivor community after the violence has had an adverse impact on the children jeopardizing their physical, psychological and intellectual development.  Many children have witnessed horrific violence to their close family members and suffer from acute trauma with no access to services of socio – psycho support and healing.  Many children have dropped out of school due to the financial inability of the families to bear the expenses, due to fear or discrimination by the school authority. Children having been forced into the labour force, in hazardous conditions, in order to supplement the family income, and have also been trafficked for the purposes of forced labour, sexual exploitation and abuse.

• Impact on Socio-economic and Cultural Rights:  The violence against Christians has caused large-scale displacement, leaving the victim-survivors with a sense of rootlessness.  The destruction of many churches and prayer halls, and the failure to reconstruct them has deprived the victim-survivors of their right to religious practice.  The victim-survivor community is unable to freely practise its faith and is thereby reduced to a state of secondary citizenship – an anathema in a democracy like India with a constitution that guarantees fundamental rights.  The violence has had an adverse impact on the livelihood and economic well-being of the affected people. Socio-economic boycott of the Christian community continues to be implemented in a variety of ways.  The provisions of NREGA too do not benefit them as it is implemented in manner that discriminates against persons on grounds of religion, caste and gender.
• Role of State Administration and Public Officials: The jury members observe, with grave concern, the deliberate dereliction of constitutionally mandated duties by public officials, their connivance with communal forces, participation in and support to the violence and a deliberate scuttling of processes of justice through acts of commission and omission. The state agencies have blatantly failed to extend much-needed institutional support to victim-survivors and protect them from attacks to their persons and properties, ostracism, socio-economic boycott and subjugation by non-state actors.  The state government has also failed in its responsibility to prevent the violence in Kandhamal in August 2008. 

• The Justice Process: The jury observes, with deep concern, that the criminal justice system has been   rendered ineffective in protecting victim-survivors and witnesses, providing justice and ensuring accountability for the crimes perpetrated.  The complicity of the police and their collusion with the perpetrators during the phase of investigation and prosecution, indicate an institutional bias against the targeted Christian adivasi and dalit community.  Victims and witnesses engaged in the justice process have been threatened and intimidated, as there is no guarantee of safe passage to and from the courts. Guidelines on witness protection, issued by the Supreme Court and various High Courts, are not followed by the Fast Track courts. Women and child witnesses face extreme vulnerability. The jury further observes that clear gaps exist in substantive, procedural and evidentiary law to prosecute and punish those responsible for targeted mass violence, and that international jurisprudence in this regard has potential relevance for filling the gaps in Indian criminal law.

• Reparations: Through the issuance of a notification prohibiting non-profit organizations from conducting rescue and relief work in Kandhamal, the state government abdicated its constitutionally-mandated duty to protect the lives and human rights of vulnerable populations. The dismal conditions in the government-run relief camps are clearly indicative of the indifference of the State government to the plight of victim-survivors. They are violative of the right of victim-survivors to a life with dignity and equality, as guaranteed by the Indian Constitution; and the right of all IDPs to an adequate standard of living, as recognized UN Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement, 1998.  The award of meagre compensation to some victim-survivors and its denial to many, defeat the very purpose of awarding compensation – to repair the harm and loss caused to the victim-survivors.  The lack of uniform criteria in damage assessment has led to an arbitrary determination of compensation amounts by State authorities whose acts are coloured by institutional bias against the Christian community.  The absence of a comprehensive rehabilitation package has prevented the victim-survivors from being restored to a life of dignity. The negative role of public officials in the peace committees and the infiltration of perpetrators in such committees indicate that the state government’s peace initiatives have been a dismal failure. The jury reiterates that while confidence-building measures are of prime importance, these cannot be undertaken in the absence of or as a substitute for processes of justice and accountability, which are the tool for long-lasting peace in the region.

MAJOR RECOMMENDATIONS:

A. Socio-economic and Cultural Rights

1. Apply National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (NREGA) and other livelihood schemes of the state and central government to the affected community, without any discrimination on the basis of caste, religion or gender.  Act against those engaging in such discrimination.

2. Implement widow pension schemes; provide government jobs to individuals from families of deceased victims, on compassionate grounds; reinstate/reappoint victim-survivors engaged in government jobs prior to the violence and transfer them to areas that they perceive to be safe and secure; provide soft loans for commencement of small businesses.

3. Ensure that relief camps meet the minimum international standards of health, hygiene and privacy for IDPs; they should have facilities to meet the educational and nutritional needs of children, lactating mothers and pregnant women; provide medical and psychological, particularly trauma counselling to the victims/ survivors, with a special attention to the needs of women survivors of sexual and gender-based violence. 

4. Incorporate a separate section in the State policy on relief and rehabilitation that conforms to Article 3 of the Child Rights Convention, as the guiding principle for all relief and rehabilitation work. 

5. Recommend that the National Commission for Protection of Child Rights and the National Commission on Scheduled Castes and the National Commission on Scheduled Tribes assess the needs of children, dalits and adivasis respectively from the affected Christian community in Kandhamal, and make recommendations to appropriate agencies at the state and central levels for ensuring their rehabilitation at the earliest.

6. Address educational needs of the children who have suffered displacement as a result of the violence. 

7. Address the long-standing problem of landlessness and land alienation of the dalits and adivasis in a comprehensive manner through land reform and redistribution.

B. Legal and Judicial Processes

8. Identify unreported cases of sexual and gender-based violence and include the offence of sexual assault in First Information Reports (FIRs), in cases where it has been ignored and ensure that they are effectively investigated and prosecuted.

9. Enquire into the acts of all public officials named in this Report, and pursue stringent disciplinary, administrative and other legal action against them for grave dereliction of duty, and for collusion and complicity in the crimes committed by the perpetrators.

10. Strictly enforce Sections 153 A and B of the Indian Penal Code (promoting enmity between different groups and doing acts prejudicial to maintenance of harmony) in order to proactively prevent programmes that are divisive, propagate hate and incite violence against religious minorities.
11. Constitute a Special Investigation Team (SIT) to re-examine the already registered FIRs for accuracy, examine registrations of fresh FIRs, the trials that resulted in acquittals due to intimidation and/or lack of evidence and recommend the trials that need be transferred or fresh trials be conducted outside Kandhamal.

12. Appoint Special Public Prosecutors who discharge their duties with professional competence and integrity. At the appellate stage in the Orissa High Court a special panel of lawyers to represent the victims of Kandhamal violence should be constituted.

13. Recommend that State Legal Services Authorities set up a legal cell to assist victims in their legal cases and interactions with the police and courts.

14. Provide protection to victims and witnesses before, during and after the trial process according to the guidelines provided in the judgments of the Delhi and Punjab and Haryana High Courts.  Take pro-active measures to prevent threat of sexual and gender-based violence to women survivors and their daughters and pay attention to the needs of the child witnesses involved in various proceedings related to the Kandhamal violence.  The State Legal Services Authority lawyers to also ensure, that witnesses depose freely and without fear in the fast Track Courts and to bring any incident of intimidation to the notice of the concerned authorities including the Court. State Legal Service Authority to assist the victim- witnesses to initiate appropriate legal action in this regard.

15. Accord special protection to human rights defenders and adequately compensated the damage to their residential and organizational properties so that there are no impediments to their work in assisting victim-survivors with processes of justice and reparations.

C. Reparations

16. Adopt, at the very minimum, the 1984 anti Sikh and 2002 anti Muslim Gujarat compensation package to enhance the compensation already announced.  In addition, victims of sexual and gender-based violence should be included as a ground eligible for compensation and employment.

17. Recognize the right of the Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) to return home and create enabling conditions to facilitate such safe return in accordance with the UN Basic Principles and Guidelines on Development-based Evictions and Displacement, 2007 and UN Guiding Principles on Internally Displaced Persons.

18. Facilitate the return and reintegration of the affected families back in their villages of habitual residence, or resettle them in safe and secure alternative places of residence that is near to agro-based or other livelihood possibilities.

19. Formulate and implement policies to provide victim-survivors full reparations, which include compensation, restitution, rehabilitation, guarantees that the crimes committed will not be repeated, and forms of satisfaction such as restoration of their dignity and a public acknowledgement of the harm that they have suffered; meeting national and international human rights standards. 

20. Include movable properties into the scheme of compensation, and adequately compensate loss of valuables, cash, agricultural produce and cattle, essential documents, household articles and vehicles towards restoring the victim-survivors and their families to the standard of living that they enjoyed prior to the violence.
21. Focus on revival of dignified livelihood options for the affected families, and facilitate a resumption of the livelihood they had pursued prior to the violence. Make a concerted effort at recovery and return of lands that the victim-survivor families had abandoned at the time of the violence, in order that they may pursue agro-based forms of livelihood.

22. Include members of the affected community, particularly women, in all confidence-building and peace-building initiatives by the state and district administration. Substantive participation of women in village level peace committees should be facilitated, rather than a token representation.

D. Minority Rights

23. Protect the right to religious freedom and clarify that this freedom means and includes the right to remain animist, areligious and/or atheist, and make any form of forced conversion or reconversion illegal.

24. Formulate a policy / programme to urgently address the issue of institutional bias against the minority Christian community in Kandhamal and other parts of Orissa, through a combination of perspective-building and stringent action that is intended at upholding the rule of law.

25. Review OFRA to ensure that it does not violate the right to religious freedom as guaranteed by the Indian Constitution and international law.

26. Review the definition of the Scheduled Castes in The Presidential Order of 1950, on the basis of the discrimination experienced by members of schedule castes even after conversion.

27. Implement the recommendations of the National Commission for Minorities, issued in their reports of January, April and September 2008 with immediate effect.